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HVK Archives: The hills are alive with the sound of gunfire

The hills are alive with the sound of gunfire - BJP Today

Lt. Gen. J.F.R. Jacob ()
16-30 April 1997

Title: The hills are alive with the sound of gunfire
Author : Lt. Gen. J.F.R. Jacob
Publication : BJP Today
Date : April 16-30, 1997

The North-Eastern states of Assam, Meghalaya, Arunachal, Nagaland,
Manipur, Tripura and Mizoram are of great geopolitical,
geostrategic and geoeconomic importance as the region borders
China, Bangladesh, Bhutan and Myanmar. The North-East has, in the
past, been neglected economically. The population is made up of
numerous ethnic and tribal groups embracing a number of religious
faiths, Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Buddhist and animistic. Ethnic
balances have been. distributed by largescale movements of ethnic
groups particularly from Bangladesh. Further, the patronising
attitudes of the establishments at the Centre and its bureaucratic
arm has been resented. It is unfortunate that after almost 50
years of Independence very little priority has been given to this
important region.

Due to neglect of the economics of these states there is little
scope for employment. The education system is not oriented to
create a workforce with technical skills. Dissatisfaction with the
system, large scale insurgency and terrorism are not new in India
and have been known in some form or other for centuries. Both
movements tend to merge with each other. It is very difficult to
decide when a terrorist movement develops into an insurgency.
Terrorism has also become an arm of ongoing insurgencies. In the
present environment, insurgency and terrorism are politically,
communally or criminally motivated. The word communal here is used
in its Catholic context to include religious caste, tribal,
regional, linguistic and ethnic movements. Criminal terrorism can
form part of any of these movements or can be motivated by purely
criminal aims.

Insurgency has been defined as an armed rebellion by a section of
the population against the legally constituted government. It
covers the full spectrum from subversion, terrorism to full scale
low intensity warfare. The insurgent's aim is to achieve political
objectives by military means. A decisive military victory is,
however, not essential. The insurgents can gain their objective by
enforcing a stalemate wherein the government and the security
forces finally decide that the cost. of sustaining indecisive
operations are no longer worthwhile. The insurgents' aim of
breaking the governments' will to fight is therefore achieved.

There is no purely political solution of its own, if there was, the
insurgency would not have started. There is no purely military
solution either. Military force can be used to reduce the
insurgents to a position of weakness so that they come to the
negotiating table to negotiate from such a position.

Militarily there are two essentials for the conduct of an
insurgency, namely, firm bases and lines of supply for arms,
ammunition and money. As long as these factors are there the
insurgency will continue. Counter insurgency operations should
therefore aim to eliminate their bases and interrupt their lines of
supplies. Earlier in Nagaland their bases were in jungles and lines
of supply were organised till China through Burma. Due to
intensive operations from August 1974 to May 1975, two gangs going
to China were intercepted by the Army and their bases in Nagaland
were destroyed. The insurgents then came to the negotiating table
and signed the Shillong Accord on 11 November 1975. It is necessary
to review the prevalent conditions now. Insurgencies in Nagaland
and Manipur have, after a relatively long period following the
Shillong Accord, re-emerged. The bulk of the armed cadres were
rehabilitated by raising 111 and 112 battalions of the BSF (Senas
and AO's). A group of some 140 of the NNC who went to China before
the interception of the two gangs going to China in 1974-75, on
return denounced the Shillong Accord and established bases close to
the Manipur and Nagaland borders in Myanmar under the leadership of
Muivah Tangkhul, Issac Swu (Sema) and SS Kaplang (Burmese Naga).
This group became the nucleus of the NSCN. The bulk of NSCN rank
and file was from the Konyak tribe. The command structure of the
NSCN was predominantly Tangkhul. This was resented by the Konyaks.
There were apprehensions among the Konyak and Burmese Nagas that
the Tangkhuls were about to do a deal with the Indian government
which led to a vertical split. On 2 March 1988, the Konyaks
struck. Eighty four Tangkhuls were massacred. The Konyak faction
under Khole Konyak and Kaplang stayed on in Myanmar opposite
Nagaland while the Tangkhul faction migrated southwards and
established bases in the Somra tract in Myanmar opposite the Ukhrul
district of Manipur which is predominantly Tangkhul and where
Muivah was born.

There was another split in the NNC. Phizo's niece Adino. an
Angami, and Khudao Yanthan, a Sema, formed separate groups on rival
lines. The NSCN (I-M) Issac Muivah, and the NSCN (K) Kaplang are
engaged in a bitter struggle for domination. Both factions are in
a process of consolidating their influence by extending their
control to towns. Massive fund collection drives are being carried
out through tax collection, extortions and looting. Efforts have
been made to infiltrate into the state government machinery and
subvert the local police. These two groups have emerged as the
most powerful groups in the Northeast. Since 1992 the NSCN (I-M)
has been able to move into and out of Bangladesh with large
consignments of sophisticated weapons and equipment procured from
Thailand. The NSCN (IM) has been able to spread its hold from the
Tangkhul areas of Manipur to the whole of Manipur and Nagaland.
The NSCN 9-M) comprises mainly Tangkhuls and Semas. Maos and Anals
have established their supremacy in Manipur, Wokha, Phek, Zuneboto.
Khima and parts of Mokakchung and Tuesang districts. The NSCN (M
influence is not as well defined but is generally in the Konyak and
adjacent areas including parts of Arunachal.

The NSCN (I-M) is a well organised insurgent group. It has set up
a government in exile. The government of the Peoples Republic of
Nagaland (GPRN) interacts with formal and non-formal world bodies
and electronic media using slogans such as "Nagaland for Christ".
It has sent emissaries like Angelus Shimray and many others abroad
to muster support and to raise money. They issue press releases
through the local media under the name of GPRN.

The NSCN (I-M) has a military wing (Naga Army) and a political
wing. The Naga Army has a GHQ, one brigade and six battalions.
There are a number of town commands and specialist mobile groups.
The civil set- up has a GHQ and 11 regions organised mainly on
tribal considerations. The civil set-up runs a parallel
government, under the nose of the state government's administration
with the intention of taking over the reins of government when
opportunity arises.

The NSCN (I-M) has established an underground organisation knows as
Alee Command. It has a rotating strength of some 300, some 50 or so
changing every six months. They operate beyond Indian frontiers and
are involved in training, religious and motivational activities.
They contact government and NGO organisations abroad, returning to
India with arms. They also collect funds abroad that are deposited
into a Bangkok bank. They are also funded by the Pakistani ISI and
earlier, to some extent, by Bangladesh. They have received money
from various Christian organisations as well as NGOs in western
countries. The Naga Army is reported to have a strength of around
3000.

The civil set-up of the NSCN is well organised under the leadership
of Issae Swu and Muivah. There are four major ministries. namely
defence, home, finance and foreign (Alee Command). There are five
other ministers, education, information and publicity, forests and
minerals, law and justice, religious affairs. The most ambitious
ministry is that of home, which aims to replace the state
government machinery and switch over to a socialist form of
government. The whole area is divided into 11 administrative
regions based on tribal considerations. The heads of each region
reports to the home minister (Kilo Kilonser). The administration
goes down to the village level. The same type of organisation is
in operation in the towns also.

This parallel government controls border trade and also all the
businesses in timber. They sponsor candidates in state government
elections and thus have considerable say in state politics.

The NSCN (K) is organised on similar lines as the NSCN (I-M). The
strength of the NSCN (K) is estimated to be around some 2000.

The situation in Manipur has deteriorated over the last few years.
While the NSCN (I-M) writ runs in the Tangkul areas, the other
areas are dominated by various other underground groups.

The NSCN (I-M) has popular support in the Tangkul areas and, in
order not to antagonise its support base, mounts its military
operations in Nagaland and in the Imphal Valley.

The strongest insurgent group in Manipur is the PLA. The PLA was
organised in 1976/77 under the leadership of N. Bisheshwar. The
PLA has close ties with the NSCN (I-M) and shares two camps with
them in Myanmar and Bangladesh. They have an understanding with
the NSCN (I-M) regarding the areas of their operation and thus
operate without interfering with each other. The PLA also has some
Muslim cadres, supported by the ISI. The PLA is most active in the
Valley particularly in Imphal, Thaubal and Bishenpur districts. It
is well armed and has a strength of about 400. Their top leaders
are Chadron (President) and Bhorot (Chairman). The PLA had a few
dissenters who set out on their own and formed PREPAK in October
1978. It has a strength of about 200. The important leaders are
Urihkhinbam Sarat and Meiraba Singh with Tajila as the military
commander.

The UNLF is the oldest Meitei extremist organisation formed in 1965
under Samarendra Singh. The approximate strength of this group is
300. It operate in Eastern Imphal. The leader of this group is R.K.
Meghan Samiamma. The UNLR, has links with the NSCN (K).

The KYKL was formed in January 1994 tinder the chairmanship of Ibo
Pishak Singh. This group has a strength of about 200 and is
expanding its recruitment base. It has links with the NSCN (I-M).
The KYKL aims to become the dominant group in Manipur. It is led by
Nongdamba. The KCP was formed in May 1980. It is not very active
and has a strength of about 40.

Due to clashes between the Tangkhul Nagas and Kukis, the Kukis have
formed their own groups. The KNF under Ranco Thangboi Kuki was
formed in May 1988. It has a strength of 300. This group operates
in the districts of Chandel, parts of Ukhrul Tamelong and Senapati.
The KMA, with a strength of 500 was formed in June 1991 under the
leadership of Suvitulon Haokip. Its main aim is to secure a Kuki
homeland in Myanmar.

The insurgencies in Assam are largely due to the changing ethnic
balances principally due to large scale migration of Bangladeshis
which is estimated to be over seven million. People who migrated
before 26 July 1949 automatically became citizens of India. The
Immigration Expulsion Act of 1950 was not implemented and was
repealed in 1957. As a result, Assam has been experiencing a
phenomenal growth rate in population, between 35 to 37 per cent
over the past four decades. The Assamese population is comprise
about 45 per cent and is therefore a minority. The AASU movement
was launched in July 1979 and lasted around six years. The Assam
Accord was signed on 15 August 1985 according to which all
foreigners who had entered after March 1971 were to be deported.
But with the AGP's coming into power, only 521 illegal immigrants
were expelled out of Assam.

ULFA, the militant arm of the AGP was formed on 7 April 1979 after
the abortive Mangaldai by-election (the voters list included 45,000
foreigners out of 600,000 entries). The ULFA aims to liberate
Assam and the people of the state from "Indian colonial rule" and
to form a independent state with the help of armed insurgency. The
Army launched a series of operations in retaliation. Operation
Bajrang continued from November 1990 to April 1991 paving the way
for elections in June 1991 which resulted in the election of the
Saikia government. In this operation about 209 hard-core
insurgents were apprehended, together with large quantities of arms
and 4.8 crores in hard cash which was the proceeds of extortion
money. Operation Rhino followed from 15 September 1991 to 14
January 1992. About 2578 hard-core were apprehended together with
large quantities of arms and 780,000 rupees in cash. The ULFA is
reported to have Rs. 400 crores deposited in a Bangladesh bank, the
interest of which is sufficient to sustain its operations. The
Army was withdrawn on 3 August 1992 from all districts except the
six "anti-talk" districts, where they have been mandated to
operate.

Arbindo Rajkhowa is the Chairman of ULFA and Paresh Barua, who was
trained in the Kachin area of Myanmar heads the armed wing.

A unified command has been formed in Assam to counter the
insurgency. There are three groups in this chain. First the
strategic group headed by the Chief Secretary, includes the GOC IV
Corps. chief of staff and of heads of the paramilitary forces. The
DGP Assam heads home commissioners, the intelligence agencies and
the paramilitary force. The home commissioners meet once a month.
The operational group is headed. by the GOC IV Corps. The
divisional level group is headed by the Divisional Commissioner and
it includes representatives of the Army and paramilitary forces-
However. this newly formed command set up is yet to make an impact
on the deteriorating law and order situation in the state.

The Bodos of Mongoloid origin are the earliest settlers of Assam
and they have been fighting for better social, political and
economic conditions since the time before independence. On 15
February 1967 the All Bodo Students Union (ABSU) was formed. Large
scale disturbances followed undertaken by the military wing of the
ABSU. The Bodo Accord was signed on 20 February 1993 in the
presence of Mr. Saikia and Mr. Rajesh Pilot. It was passed by the
state assembly. It resulted in the surrender of the military wing
of the ABSU. The Bodo (SF) Which is the main militant group
condemned damned former President of the BAG and the non
implementation of the accord and resigned.

The BDSF is a well organised and well trained group with a strength
of around 900 and have a working arrangement with the NSCN. They
are trained in the use of explosives. Bovinda Basumatary is now
reported to be the Chairman of Bodo Autonomous Council and Prem
Singh Brahma is said to be heading the militant Bodo Land Tiger
Force(BLTF) which has clashed with the main BDSF. The Bodos are
demanding an additional greater Bodo Land with 403 more villages,
25 tea gardens, 10 km of border belt, rehabilitation packages and
funds for development. The proportion of Bodos in these areas is
one third, the remaining two thirds being tribals.

In Tripura the main cause of the insurgency has been the changing
of the ethnic balance. There has been large scale migrations of
Bangladeshis over the last forty years resulting in the original
tribal population being reduced to a minority. The tribals feel
they have been discriminated against. priority being given to the
Bangladeshi migrants in the areas of development and employment in
government appointments and in the police. The situation is further
complicated by the National Political parties sponsoring various
factions.

The TUJS (Tripura Upajati Samiti) is associated with the Congress
party. The ATFF (All Tripura Tiger Force) is reported to have
links with a national party. This group has influence in the
region. It is headed by. Ranjit Debbarai and operates in Tripura
and Bangladesh. This group is seeking vengeance against the
Tripura Upajati Samiti. (TUJS). The National Liberation Front of
Tripura is headed by Bhanjoy Reang and operates out of
Bangladesh/Tripura. It aims to have an independent Tripura. It is
said to have links with another national party in order to counter
the ATTF.

Insurgencies in Jammu and Kashmir and the northeast have increased
in intensity and with the active support of foreign countries are
to be classified as low intensity wars. They have to be dealt with
well trained troops and require heliborne mobility that has to be
provided by the Air Force. The Army in conjunction with the Air
Force will be required to conduct offensive counter Insurgency
operations as these are beyond the capabilities of para-military
forces. In order to enable the armed forces to operate effectively
it is necessary that the areas concerned be declared disturbed and
the "Armed Forces Special Powers Act" made applicable. Counter
insurgency operations may be divided into two parts-defensive and
offensive.

Defensive operation are designed to prevent the insurgents from
disrupting the infrastructure, keeping communications open and
maintaining surveillance over the area. These are within the
capability of paramilitary forces. Offensive operations are
designed to flush out the hostiles from their jungle and mountain
bases. These operations require a very high level of physical
fitness, training and mobility assistance. Insurgent and terrorist
groups in the last few years have established safe houses in urban
areas. Operations in urban and built up areas are best handled by
para-military forces in conjunction with the civil police.

The armed forces are operating in the northeast under the Disturbed
Areas and Armed Forces Special Powers Act. They are acting in good
faith to counter insurgencies that are to some extent supported by
various foreign agencies. It is a common practice for the
insurgents and their over ground supporters to level charges of
human rights violations against the armed forces in order to
deflect attention from the terrorists acts of the insurgents
against innocent people. It would be more appropriate if Human
Rights and non governmental organisations investigate into the
terrorist atrocities incurred on innocent people by the insurgent
groups. The armed forces need our support. They are acting in the
interests of the nation. The armed forces are doing much to win
over the hearts and minds of the people. They are helping to build
up the infrastructure as also in various social and educational
programmes being implemented by them. The Army Development Group
(ADG) was formed in June 1995 to assist in various development and
welfare schemes in Nagaland and Manipur.

The ADG initiates small projects such as construction of link roads
to villages, bridges, water supply, electrification, and community
buildings. They also run health, dental and veterinary camps and
assist in afforestation. Their work is greatly appreciated by the
villages and their services are in great demand. The ADG is doing
much to win over the hearts and minds of the people which is so
very important in countering the rise of the insurgency. A special
mention must be made of the work of the Assam Rifles both in
countering the insurgency as well as in winning over the hearts and
minds of the tribals.

The Prime Minister had preliminary talks with the NSCN (I-M) in
Switzerland during the Davos Conference. At this point of time the
NSCN (IM) is not talking from a position of weakness and they are
therefore unlikely to accept in to the conditions that will be set
out by the government. Further, even if an agreement is signed, a
large number of them are likely to join the NSCN (K). A movement
in this direction is already taking place. Thus, in the event of
the NSCN (I-M) joining the national main stream, the NSCN is likely
to expand its activities into the areas previously controlled by
the NSCN (I-M).

The central and state governments must accord priority to the
restoration of peace in the region. National interest must take
precedence over political expediency practices of some national and
state parties to gain temporary political mileage by putting one
faction against the other. A lasting political solution has been
found. Military forces can only aim to bring the insurgents to
renegotiate from a position of weakness. The armed forces are
doing their best to ensure this. They are slowly winning over the
hearts and minds of the people. They deserve support.



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