Will Pak.  religious right allow talks with Delhi?

ISLAMABAD, MAY 21.  The sudden decision of the Pakistani Chief Executive, Gen.  Pervez Musharraf, under pressure from the religious right, to withdraw the procedural amendment to the blasphemy law has wide implications.

Given the fact that the same configuration of religious parties and their ``jehadi'' allies are against any dialogue with India, it remains to be seen whether the General will be able to withstand the pressure on relations with New Delhi.

And, having tasted success in their campaign to annul the procedural amendment to the blasphemy law, the religious right will seek to carry forward their agenda further.

Pakistan's approach on the CTBT is held ``hostage'' by these religious parties, with the ``jehadis'' leading the charge that the treaty is a Western conspiracy to undermine the ``Islamic'' nuclear capability achieved by Pakistan.

The capitulation from Gen.  Musharraf indicates that his is a weak Government, which is unable to take any flak from the ``ideological custodians'' of Pakistan.  One of the leading lights of the religious right, the Jamaat-i-Islami, had staged angry demonstrations during the Prime Minister, Mr.  A.B.  Vajpayee's visit to Lahore on February 20-21, 1999.

The Musharraf Government is publicly committed to holding a dialogue with India at ``any level, anywhere and at anytime'', but will the religious right permit such a dialogue?

On the CTBT, for instance, a leading light of the Musharraf Government was at the receiving end of the ire of the religious parties for daring to put forward the pros and cons of signing the treaty.  He was subjected to all kinds of attacks in the press, especially in Urdu newspapers.

With other members of the Musharraf Government remaining silent on the issue, the promised debate on the CTBT has come to a nought.  The religious parties won the day on this issue as well.

Given the Pakistani establishment's live links with the ``jehadis'', there is little doubt that sections of this establishment, too, share their views on foreign policy issues.  Till the withdrawal from Kargil, the ``Mujahideen'' were given considerable play on State-run media, after which the then Prime Minister, Mr.  Nawaz Sharif, was made the villain by the religious parties at public meetings held across the country.

While announcing his decision to withdraw his April 21 decision allowing Deputy Commissioners to whet the registration of a blasphemy case on May 16, the General stated that this was on account of the unanimous demand of the clerics and the people.  How the ``will'' of the people on this issue was ascertained by the Chief Executive has not yet been explained.

Now, the General will find that at every stage of his innings in power, the religious parties will object to this or that.  These parties will make his life difficult by stating that ``they'' are the ones who represent the ``people''``.

The April 21 announcement on the procedural change in the blasphemy law at a convention on human rights (which was attended by invited foreign dignitaries, including representatives from Amnesty International) came without seeking the support of those narrow sections of Pakistani civil society that favour such progressive measures.  The independent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) stayed away from the military convention.

In the weeks and months to come, the General has other important decisions to take - specially levying general sales tax (GST) and surveying shops and establishments across the country to ascertain those who pay their income taxes and those who don't.

The General's decision has only strengthened the ``power'' of the religious right in Pakistan, a section which has repeatedly been rejected by the electorate at the hustings.

The Chief Executive came to power with a multi-faceted reform agenda.  Today, it looks difficult to accomplish.
 

Back                          Top