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"Autonomy" and Minority in Kashmir

"Autonomy" and Minority in Kashmir

Author: C.L.Gadoo
Publication: BJP Today
Date: August 16-31, 2000

In 1947, when Jammu and Kashmir acceded to India, the ruler of the State, Maharaja Hari Singh signed the instrument of Accession, which the rulers of other major Indian States had signed. The accession of the State to India was not subject to any exceptions or preconditions to provide for any separate constitutional arrangements for the state. Neither Nehru, nor Patel gave any assurance to Hari Singh or the National Conference leaders that Jammu and Kashmir would be accorded a separate and independent political organization on the basis of the Muslim majority character of its population.

The demand for a separate political organization of Jammu and Kashmir, independent of the constitutional organisation of India, was made by the National Conference leaders, when India and Pakistan accepted the cease-fire in the State in 1949 and more than one-third of its territory was left under the occupation of Pakistan. The National Conference claimed rest of the state for the "Muslim Nation of Kashmir".

The claim made by Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah, that the Cabinet Mission plan envisaged the accession of the state to either of the two dominion or opt for independence was a distortion of facts. The Conference leaders read the events, which led to the partition of India, in their own way. The partition plan envisaged by the 3rd June declaration of 1947, too, did not envisage independence of the Indian states.

Many of the Conference leaders openly claimed that the right of self-determination, embodied by the United Nations resolution, left the choice open for Muslims of the State to determine their future affiliations and the Muslims would in no case renounce the right to exercise it. The Conference leaders, accused the Hindu "communal" forces in India, which sought to merge the state into the Indian constitutional organization to end the Muslim majority character of its population and bring about its subjugation to the dominance of the Hindu majority in India.

After the creation of Pakistan, the Hindus and the Sikhs as well Buddhists in Ladakh, were quickly led to the realisation of their doom, which a second partition of India would unfold. In the Muslim homeland of Jammu and Kashmir, they could meet no better fate than what the Hindus and Sikhs had met in Pakistan and in occupied Kashmir.

After long deliberations a settlement was finally reached on July 24, 1952 between Sheikh Abdullah and Jawahar Lal Nehru.

The agreement stipulated that Dogra rule would be abolished and the ruler would be replaced by an elected head of the State, who would be recognised by the President of India. The Jammu and Kashmir State would have a separate national flag, a separate official language, and a separate national emblem. It was also agreed that the residuary powers would remain with the state and Constituent Assembly would frame a constitution for its governance.

The Hindus in Jammu constituting a majority in the Jammu province protested against the Agreement. The Praja Parishad emphasized that India was one nation and Jammu and Kashmir State, an integral part of Indian nation, could not be governed by a separate flag and have a separate President.

Devastating Consequences

After the interim government was instituted, and the Conference leaders secured undisputed mastery over the government of the state, they initiated several measures, which had a devastating effect on the Hindus and other minorities.

A widespread land-grab spree was put into operation by the Conference cadres, under the cover of land reforms, to dispossess the Hindus of their land.

An undeclared moratorium was placed on the entry of the Hindus and other minorities into the employment of the state, and to the admissions of the Hindus and the other minorities to educational institutions, grant of scholarships and nominations to institutions of higher and technical education outside the state.

Islam was virtually recognised as the official religion of the state and all rational commitment to secularism was interpreted in terms of the "Principles of Religious Tolerance" enshrined, in Islam.

The Constituent Assembly reconstituted the basic principles committee and the advisory committee on citizenship and fundamental rights, the rights steering committee and the drafting committee. On 3rd February 1954, Syed Mir Qasim presented the report of the basic principles committee and the advisory committee on fundamental rights and citizenship to the Constituent Assembly, which was approved by the Assembly on 6th February 1954. The recommendations of the Constituent Assembly were communicated to the President of India.

On 14th May, President of India issued a proclamation, which incorporated the recommendation of Constituent Assembly.

Constitutional Provisions Extended

In 1956, the provisions of the Constitution of India in respect of the financial relations between the Union and the State were extended to Jammu and Kashmir. In 1957, the provision of the Constitution of India with regard to the removal of the High Court Judges to plead before any court or tribunal except the Supreme Court were extended to the state. The provisions of the Constitution of India in regard to services were also extended to state in the same year.

In 1958, provisions of Constitution of Indian in respect of Audits and Accounts were extended to the state. In 1959, the provision of the Constitution of India in regard to the Election Commission of India were extended to the state.

During the years that followed, the secessionist movements in the state gathered greater strength. The autonomy of the state, envisaged by "Article 370" provided the political context, in which Muslim separatism was recognised as a legitimate expression of Muslim aspirations to freedom.

The demand for "greater autonomy" after about 25 years of the Kashmir accord between late Smt Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah, which had stabilised Central-State relations has brought to some extent into sharp focus once again the machinations and double talk of the National Conference during 1947-1953. The Hindus of Kashmir, smouldering in exile, have denounced the N C demand for the restoration of 1953 status, as a tactical maneuver to prepare the ground for the separation of the Kashmir Valley and Muslim majority regions of Jammu from India, for which the inspiration has come from several western powers. Interestingly, the Muslim secessionist forces and militant organisations have expressed subdued disapproval of the demand of "greater autonomy", reiterating their claim for self-determination, and expressing doubts about the ultimate advantage the autonomy of the State would provide to them.

(The author is the President of the Kashmiri Samiti, nodal agency for displaced Kashmiris)
 


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