Author: Arnaud de Borchgrave
Publication: The Washington Times
Date: February 7, 2002
A book released in France this week
documents, chapter and verse, the "axis of evil," but it's not the one
President Bush had in mind. It is the axis between Saudi Arabia's Wahhabi
clergy and al Qaeda.
Roland Jacquard runs the Paris-based
"Observatory of International Terrorism" and is an adviser on terrorism
to the U.N. Security Council. He has compiled devastatingly incriminating
documents, correspondence and fatwas (religious edicts) found in the rubble
of Osama bin Laden's Afghan offices and in al Qaeda's terrorist training
camps. The book is appropriately titled "The Secret Archives of Al Qaeda."
The U.S. intelligence community
presumably has copies of these documents - and then some - but with the
House of Saud in deep denial about its clergy aiding and abetting Islamist
terrorists, the Bush administration does not wish to rock the already leaky
boat of Saudi- U.S. relations. There is a Saudi religious dimension to
al Qaeda that official Washington and other Western capitals have decided
to sidestep.
Mr. Jacquard's documents include
fatwas issued by Saudi and other Gulf religious leaders, including the
late firebrand Hamoud Shuaibi who, according to the author, issued the
first religious ruling condoning the World Trade Center bombing. Another
fatwa by a Kuwaiti cleric approved suicide attacks as "the most noble rung
a Muslim can attain." It also mentioned "crashing your plane into an important
location that will cause your enemy to suffer colossal losses."
The book, first publicized by the
International Herald Tribune earlier this week, also contains an "Encyclopedia
of Jihad" on how to be an effective terrorist; how to set up "sleeper cells"
in the West; how to put explosives in a hair brush, a stapler, a pack of
cigarettes or a ballpoint pen; how to detonate a bomb with a rat in a cage
that gnaws at a metal wire coated with blood or fat; diagrams of construction
methods of skyscrapers. There is also a manuscript that mentions the suicide
attack on the USS Cole in Aden in October 2000 by two men in a dinghy"
that cost just $10,000." The $1 billion warship was disabled for almost
a year and the repair bill ran to $250 million. The WTC Towers and Pentagon
suicide attacks are estimated to have cost between $300,000 and $500,000
and the accumulated damage to the U.S. and world economies is now thought
to be almost $700 billion.
The House of Saud recently dispatched
a phalanx of princes of the royal blood to America where they fanned out
in think tanks and television talk shows. They tried to convince their
American interlocutors that they had not funded Islamist extremism in Pakistan
or Afghanistan; that they have never encouraged extremism anywhere; that
they had never given a penny to the Taliban regime, even though Saudi Arabia
was one of only three countries (with Pakistan and the UAE) to recognize
the Taliban regime ("they asked us, but we said no"); and that the only
ticking time bomb in the region was the Bush administration's benign neglect,
flavored with an Israeli bias, of the Palestinian-Israeli debacle.
As for Pakistan's thousands of religious
schools that teach the virtues of holy war against Western infidels, the
Saudi government has never given them any money. "Maybe private money,"
conceded Prince Turki al Faisal, who had run the Saudi intelligence service
for 24 years until he suddenly and unexpectedly resigned two weeks before
September 11.
The House of Saud's accounting practices
would make Enron and Arthur Andersen salivate with envy. They are a now-you-see-it-now-you-
don't shell game that allowed King Fahd's youngest son to build himself
a $350 million palace outside Riyadh. The deliberations of the unelected,
king-appointed consultative body known as the Shura are as opaque as the
budget it is not authorized to discuss.
Prince Turki's non-denial denial
was as close as the Saudi royal family will come to facing the ugly truth.
He also admitted that Osama bin Laden still enjoys the support of an overwhelming
majority of young Saudis. Sixty percent of Saudi Arabia's 18 million population
is under 21. As a man who has been the kingdom's top intelligence honcho
for a quarter of a century, Prince Turki knows, but cannot admit, even
off the record, that radical mullahs have been exporting Wahhabi extremism
for years.
The Wahhabi clergy has been the
beneficiary of the House of Saud's munificence since 1974, when oil prices
suddenly tripled following the October 1973 war. The clergy received untallied
billions of riyals to build mosques around the world and spread Wahhabi
intolerance. In return for this royal largess, the clergy turned a blind
eye to the extravagant excesses of the House of Saud, feathered its nest
and consolidated its Muslim dominion abroad.
The only problem with this royal
protection arrangement is that for the clergy America is the enemy, and.
for the House of Saud, America is a close friend for 60 years and one that
saved the kingdom from a fate worse than death when it intervened to turn
back Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait. The Pakistani madrassa network
of some 15,000 religious schools (7,500 are deemed important) was entirely
funded by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. From there, gung-
ho wannabe jihadis - John Walker Lindh was one of them - moved west into
Afghanistan to join al Qaeda. Pakistan was thus relieved of the burden
of public education so it could spend more on its military budget.
Hopefully, Mr. Jacquard's "Secret
Archives of Al Qaeda" will persuade Crown Prince Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz
al-Saud, the kingdom's de facto ruler, to muster the will and courage to
bring the radical clergy to heel - before radical Islam topples the House
of Saud.
(Arnaud de Borchgrave is editor
at large for The Washington Times, a position he also holds with United
Press International)