Author: Ahmede Mainul Hussain
Publication: South Asia Tribune
Date: February 10, 2005
URL: http://www.satribune.com/archives/200502/P1_amh.htm
The specter of death looms large
on our political horizon again. Only six months after the grisly attack
that claimed 21 lives in the heart of the capital, terror struck in full
force on January 27; this time it chose its prey further down north-east.
On that fateful day Shah AMS Kibria,
the 74-year-old economist-turned Awami Leaguer, went to attend a rally
in Habibganj without any clue of what was in the offing. He and fellow
party members did not smell a rat even when power went out several times
in an otherwise serene wintry evening.
In a grim recreation of what happened
in the AL-rally in Bangabandhu Avenue on August 21, a grenade was lobbed
when Kibria walked down to his car. Another grenade soon followed. "The
second grenade was thrown from the primary school ground as we ran for
cover," says Shahiduddin Chowdhury, a witness to the carnage and former
chairman of the local Pourashava.
Unconscious and profusely bleeding,
Kibria was taken first to the nearby Saddar Hospital, and then driven away
to Dhaka by an ambulance, as the AL-workers could not manage to get a helicopter.
The former finance minister died on his way.
Under scathing criticism from local
and international press, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-led Four
Party Alliance has sought the help of the FBI and Scotland Yard. But the
precedence of the government's non-cooperation with these international
agencies during the investigation into the August 21 massacre has left
many skeptical about the BNP's intention behind the move.
In fact, this time the US government
wants the BNP's assurance that "full access to all evidence and witnesses
will be given to the investigators."
"In both the August 21 and January
27 attacks, the potential utility of the FBI assistance was greatly undermined
when the crime scene was not properly protected from contamination," a
US government spokesperson said. "For such assistance to be useful, we
believe it would be important for the government to establish clear terms
of reference and to make other provisions to ensure that FBI consultants
are given full access to all relevant evidence and witnesses.
"If such terms of reference had
been established prior to the involvement of foreign consultants of the
August 21 attack, their contribution to the investigation might have been
more meaningful," he continued.
Kibria's name adds to a long list
of 200 people so far killed in 18 bomb blasts across the country in the
last eight years. The first such blast took place in March 6, 1996 when
a bomb ripped through an annual gathering of Udichi in the northern district
of Jessore killing 10 cultural activists. Though the AL, then at the helm,
blamed BNP-backed zealots for the attack, Sheikh Hasina's government, however,
was never serious in running an independent investigation.
In fact, when seven Communist Party
workers died in simultaneous-blasts in downtown Dhaka, the AL-led government
was quick to find the culprits under the shelter of the BNP. The party,
as an opposition, always denied its link to the blasts; and in the last
year of the AL's term, fed some bizarre conspiracy theories, among them
one accusing the government of planting bombs in public places to win the
upcoming elections. This disturbing trend has repeated itself several times
during the last six years.
Many believe that though both the
major political parties were not sure of the nature and motives of the
blasts, they blamed each other only to reap political dividend. "How come
the AL-government did not crack down on these religious outfits if they
really believed the zealots were behind the blasts?" asks Brig Gen Shahedul
Anam Khan, a national security expert.
Interestingly, bombs started to
rip through public places more frequently as the time for 2001's general
elections progressed. Actually, the year had witnessed six such incidents
that had claimed 69 lives.
The BNP, armed with the support
of two religious parties, eventually won the elections and since then it
has been following the path of its predecessor, only the other way round.
The party has been describing the blasts a ploy to damage the country's
image abroad since the first such incident took place during its term on
September 28, 2002 at a cinema hall in Satkhira.
Khaleda Zia's government walked
further down the path of conceit and deceit when several powerful bombs
went into four movie theatres in Mymensingh. Even before the primary investigation
began the PM herself blamed those "who are making anti-Bangladesh campaign
at home and abroad."
Sheikh Hasina was the prime target
of the PM's tirade as only days ago the AL-supremo told a European audience
in Brussels that the sympathizers of Al Qaeda were ruling Bangladesh. In
fact the PM's paranoia has been manifested time and again in the face of
local and foreign claims that the country is becoming a breeding ground
for religious extremists. Her government banned issues of some international
newspapers, including the Wall Street Journal, Time Magazine and Far Eastern
Economic Review, for making unsavory comments about the BNP's reliance
on religious parties to cling to power.
In one of the most publicized denials,
the government arrested two British journalists from Channel Four who came
to the country to make a documentary on the rise of militant Islam in Bangladesh.
Zaiba Naz Malik and Bruno Sorrentino were later released; but their two
Bangladeshi fixers, Salim Samad and Pricilla Raj, did not get away so easily.
Sedition charges were brought against them; and it was, in fact, a High
Court, order that ensured their release. Shahid later took political asylum
in Canada.
Such is the extent to which the
BNP, which relies heavily on Jamaat and Islamic Okkya Jote (IOJ) for popular
support, has been rejecting the presence of religious extremism here. Bangladesh's
contribution to militant Islam dates back to the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan.
During the early eighties, many Bangladeshi Madrasa-students went to Pakistan
to fight for the Mujahideen. When the Afghan-war ended with the fall of
Najeebullah's government in Kabul, many came back home and with them brought
religious bigotry to a country that always prides itself on its Sufi past.
One of them is Afghan war veteran
Maulana Abdur Rauf, leader of the Jamiat ul Islamia, who was arrested on
September 19, 2003, along with 17 accomplices. Rauf confessed to fighting
for the Talibans. "About 500 Bangladeshis went to Afghanistan to fight
the Jihad and of them 33 died," Rauf told the police. The militant leader
later got bail and his party's activities, perhaps, are still going on.
One of the big extremists group
working in the country, Harkat al Jihad al Islami (HJIB) Bangladesh came
under spotlight when the group was charged with planting two bombs at a
meeting that was to be attended by the then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.
The mission of HJIB
is to establish Islamic rule in
Bangladesh. According to the US State Department the group has an apparent
cadre-strength of several thousand members and it operates and trains in
at least six camps inside Bangladesh. The Bangladesh government has officially
banned the group.
Subsequent governments have never
tried to reign in these extremist groups. In fact Khaleda Zia and her cabinet
have remained conspicuously inactive when different self-styled vigilante
groups have been butchering innocent people in the name of Islam. Bangla
Bhai, the so-called commander of Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB),
has issued several edicts -- à la Talibans -- calling men to keep
beard and forcing women to wear Burqas.
Some newspaper reports even suggest
that the so-called JMJB is working in connivance with some bigwigs of the
ruling Four-party Alliance. Though the PM has ordered the arrest of Bangla
Bhai, according to a Daily Star report, "Two police officer tipped off
Bangla Bhai who holed up in an outlying village in Raninagar where he set
up a vigilante camp to launch anti-outlaw drives".
Another grim reminder of the BNP's
reliance on religion to tighten its grip on power. That may explain why
we have an ostrich of a government that systematically turns a blind eye
to the activities of zealots in the country.
Some observers, however, want to
differentiate between the last two blasts with the others. The terrorists,
who were otherwise using bombs to kill people, have been using grenades
since a huge cache of arms were retrieved in Chittagong. Though the government
vigorously denied it, many believe a large amount of grenades went missing
and have subsequently fallen into the hands of extremists.
"How is it possible that all of
a sudden the terrorists have started using the same Arges grenade that
were retrieved by the police a year ago?" Brig Anam asks. The last two
blasts, Anam thinks, were unique for a different reason altogether. "Most
of the blasts that took place before August 21, 2004 were not targeted
at any party's leadership," says Brig Anam. He believes it is likely that
the last two major blasts, where grenades were used, were carried out by
a different group.
"I think these two attacks are different
because the attackers' chose only grenades unlike the previous attacks,"
the security analyst continues. Even the targets and motives of the killers
were different. "In Jessore, Ramna Batamul or in all the attacks where
bombs were used the target was the general public and the aim was to deter
people from holding programs that the bigots think were anti-Islamic. Just
look at the places where they planted bombs -- Bengali New Year celebration,
cinema halls, cultural programs. "
But, Anam believes that in August
21 carnage and January 27 blast the target was only the AL's leadership.
One conspiracy theory is that the attackers may have links to the self-confessed
killers of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
"But you never know," Anam says.
"The whole situation is chaotic. The BNP denies the presence of extremists
in the country as this questions its alliance with parties like Jamaat
or IOJ. On the other hand, the AL is using the blasts as a pretext to undermine
the government," the retired army-man says.
Unless and until both the BNP and
AL go beyond their petty political interests, the ordinary citizens have
to live with bomb blasts and targeted killing of opposition political leaders.
This indifference, coupled with the BNP's sheer arrogance and the AL's
lack of political vision, are leading the country to an impending disaster.
The writer is on the staff of The
Star Weekend Magazine in Dhaka, Bangladesh.
