Author: Prafull Goradia and K.R. Phanda
Publication: Organiser
Date: March 30, 2008
URL: http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=230&page=23
The Jamdani Revolution: Politics, Personalities
and Civil Society in Bangladesh 1989-1992, Krishnan Srinivasan, Har Anand,
pp 386, Rs. 595.00
The Jamdani Revolution by Krishnan Srinivasan
is a week by week account of his assignment as India's High Commissioner to
Bangladesh during 1989-1992. In this period, he had the opportunity of interacting
with politicians and bureaucrats at the highest level. His meeting with the
Indian netas and babus in particular, bring out the person behind the persona.
That apart, the major bilateral issues that Mr Srinivasn grappled with were
no different from what his predecessors handled or his successors would be
dealing with. These are more or less problems that emerged with the creation
of East Pakistan in 1947.
The first question related to the territorial
adjustment of a small area called Tin bigha, the second concerned the sharing
of river waters, the third pertained to the Chakma refugees who were driven
out by Bangladeshi security forces while their lands and properties were taken
over by Muslims. Thereafter the Chakmas found shelter in refugee camps set
up in Tripura. Given the permanent nature of these issues, the author feels
that the book though completed in 1992 has relevance even today.
In the words of the author: "There was
a question as to when this book should be published. Nearly 16 years have
elapsed since the last word was written, and it retains any value as an interesting
record of people and politics of that times, its release cannot any longer
be delayed out of a sense of delicacy. It remains a matter of curiosity how
little has fundamentally changed. The epilogue dates back to March, 1992,
but the views expressed in it still hold good" (page 15).
In regard to sharing of water, a thirty-year
accord was concluded in 1996 even though there was no bilateral agreement
in respect of 53 other rivers including Brahmaputra (Jamuna), the Teesta and
the Barak (Meghna). However, some agreement is better than a complete stalemate.
The Tin bigha issue was finally closed by a lease agreement on March 26, 1992
and the corridor between the two countries was made effective a few months
thereafter. The problems of Chakma refugees and illegal infiltration from
Bangladesh to India have worsened with the passage of time.
In period 1989-92 approximately 53,000 Chakma
refugees were driven out by Bangladesh security forces and Muslims from the
plains. They found shelter in Tripura. In 1997, however some kind of agreement,
says the author, was reached with the Chakma leadership that provided for
limited autonomy to original inhabitants of these areas. Reports appearing
in the international press at present though point out that the Chakmas are
still being persecuted by Bangladesh. The other problem that has lately assumed
serious proportions relates to illegal influx of Bangladeshi national into
India. Mr. Srinivasan writes: "Compounding the problem of the Bangladesh
minority, Hindus-community migrating to India due to harassment, sacrilege,
violence and land grabbing, the larger issue is the influx of illegal migrants
of the Bangladesh majority community. The total figure of Bangladeshi migrants
into India ranges from 12 millions to 18 millions but all these statistics
are only guesstimates. Bangladesh at the official level refuses to acknowledge
that this problem exists at all" (page 374).
While Mr Srinivasan acknowledges the persecution
of the Hindus, he holds that the Hindus of Bangladesh are themselves responsible
for their plight. In his own words: "The irony of their situation is
that they have never fully integrated into this society, look to India for
protection, and think of India as their eventual home, which makes them regarded
as a fifth column in Bangladesh, thus generating more insecurity. The only
reason that we, as a secular country, are involved in their welfare is to
try and prevent an exodus to India
These are the people who threaten
India's secularism since they appeal to religious emotion on the other side
of the border" (page 233). At page 148, Mr. Srinivasan makes a mention
about the donation of Rs. 50,000 to Ramakrishna Mission and goes on to comment:
"These are very small sums, and in a way it is incorrect of us to be
donating anything of this nature since firstly, we have no business to show
concern for minorities in other countries. Also since these countries have
more than adequate funds themselves and should do more to bestir themselves;
and secondly, because we are the first to take objection when other countries
involve themselves in our minority problems.
These remarks of the former High Commissioner
show that he neither knows Islam, nor the rise of Muslim League in India nor
the basis of Partition. Is this oversight all pervasive in the Indian Foreign
Service?
Mr Srinivasan perhaps does not know that exchange
of populations was a part of the demand for Partition by the Muslim League
leaders. Hindustan for Hindus and Pakistan for Muslims was the solution suggested
by Jinnah to Gandhiji and Nehru. Since the duo hated Jinnah, and the idea
did not suit their politics they rejected his proposal. It should be noted
that there was a huge influx of Hindus from East Pakistan on the morrow of
Independence. Dr Shyama Prasad Mookerjee had gone to Gandhi and pleaded for
an exchange of populations as proposed by Jinnah. Gandhi was stubborn and
rejected Mookerjee's proposal. These problems are the legacy that Gandhi and
Nehru have left behind. Mr Srinivasan must be aware that Islam does not believe
in peaceful co-existence with other religions. It divides humanity into momins
and kafirs. And Hindus are kafirs in the eyes of Islam. The ultimate choice
before a Hindus is either to embrace Islam or face death. Mr Srinivasan's
remarks that Hindus of Bangladesh have failed to integrate with Muslim majority
amounts to saying that they should have converted to Islam.
Mr Srinivasan objects to our having given
Rs. 50,000 charity to the Ramakrishna Mission. One would like to ask what
did he do as Foreign Secretary to check the massive flow of Saudi money into
India for purpose of building mosques and running of madrassas in this country?
Finally, Mr Srinivasan seems to treat India as a universal dharamshala whose
doors should be opened to welcome foreigners of all colours and hues. This
is how he appears to view the entry of Bangladeshi Muslims to India: It was
decided to take up strongly with Bangladesh the problem of illegal immigration
to India though I fail to see what measures any Government can or will take
in a country such is over populated and has a miserable standard of living
compared to Indian standards. How could they prevent their own citizens leaving
the country in search of a better future (page 57).
The Jamdani Revolution is worth reading to
know more about Bangladesh. Apart from this, how our foreign service is capable
of overlooking India's vital interests.
Mr Srinivasan is well equipped to have reflected
in his book an insight into including the paradoxical psyche of the Bangladeshi.
But he has not done so perhaps because of his official standing. Mr Srinivasan's
Jamdani Revolution could have been more insightful.
(Har Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd., E-49/3,
Okhla Industrial Area, Phase II, New Delhi-110 020.)