Hindu Vivek Kendra
A RESOURCE CENTER FOR THE PROMOTION OF HINDUTVA
   
CHAPTER - X
CONCLUSIONS

This magnum opus on the Ayodhya movement catalogues and centralises at one place and in a coherent manner the, full canvas of the movement, and gives a true accounts of its evolution and progress, of its causes and consequences, of its participants and detractors. The contents of the foregoing nine chapters constitute a well-documented biography of the movement. The conclusions that flow out of this exercise are highly instructive. They are:

First, the Ayodhya movement is not just a movement for a Temple at Ayodhya, but encompasses the greatest nationalist reassertion of India in its known history. The movement is founded on a sound philosophy that is rooted in truth. It has evolved as a corrective to the distortions of the post-Independence Indian politics and has re-commenced the Somnath evolution that stood suspended after the death of Sardar Patel. (Chapter I)

Second, the Ayodhya struggle is not the creation of the Sangh Parivar, or the BJP, or even the Sants. It is a continuation of the unremitting struggle of the Hindus to repossess their holy place desecrated by the invaders. The Hindus adopted different methods - first, military means and war diplomacy; second, legal means, and third, mass agitation - depending upon whatever means were effective at any given time. The massive Ayodhya movement from 1984 is a historical continuity whose context was an insensitive polity and an unmoving judiciary. (Chapter II)

Third, the evidence available on Ayodhya irrefutably established that a Hindu Temple was brought down to raise a mosque, and that .his had been the point of struggle between the Hindus and Muslims for centuries. And yet the dialogue between the VHP and the AIBMAC on evidence could not produce any result because of the unreasonable and evasive response of the Masjid groups and the anti-Temple approach of the Central Government led by the Congress and of other parties. (Chapter III)

Fourth, the attitude of different governments, Prime Ministers, political parties and leaders since the Ayodhya movement took shape, clearly and unequivocally pointed to their concern for office and success from electoral point of view and the block votes of Muslims. This compelled them to adopt means and strategies that were delinked from fairness and national interest. (Chapter IV)

Fifth, the attitude of the Narasimha Rao Government at first was to neglect and ignore the issue as long as it was possible. But when the issue became highly sensitive in July 1992, the prime Minister defused it with the active co-operation of the BJP by giving an assurance that he would solve the problem and remove the hindrances to the Kar Seva in 3 months, and thus got the Kar Seva by the Sants suspended. He had, however, no intention of solving the issue as he had promised, as indeed the subsequent events confirmed. (Chapter V)

Sixth, having secured 3 months time from the Sants, the Prime Minister did nothing for 70 days. He devised a hydra-headed strategy to achieve certain political objectives that were calculated to deal with the challenge to him within his party and government. For this purpose, he had to involve high institutions like the judiciary in the Ayodhya controversy. In his ambitious plan to achieve the impossible, he wanted to fire, literally and figuratively, over the shoulders of the BJP by using the courts. He merely treated the Ayodhya issue as a BJP-related problem, and turned it into a political game. Finally, all his dexterity and cleverness which are no substitutes for sincerely and candour, boomeranged on him. The mosque was demolished not in spite of his efforts or the court orders, but, precisely because of both. (Chapter VI)

Seventh, the aftermath of Ayodhya and its fall out bring, out how the Prime Minister was coerced by the intra-party power struggle into more and more wrongs against national interest - the promise to reconstruct the mosque, the ban on RSS, etc., the arrest of the Ayodhya movement leaders, the dismissal of the BJP governments, the ban on the BJP rally in Delhi and elsewhere, and the attempt to promote a sarkari Trust to displace the Ayodhya movement. While the Narasimha Rao Government is endlessly running amok, the national debate has centered around what is secularism, nationalism, and communalism. The Ayodhya movement appears to have taken the lid off the Muslim community in India and set-off a debate which that community was consistently held incapable of. It has not stopped, at that. The Ayodhya movement has made all secular parties less allergic to Hindutva and the Marxists now find even Swami Vivekananda agreeable. (Chapter VII)

Eighth, the White Paper put out by the Narasimha Rao Government virtually repudiates and condemns what the Prime Minister had been saying, and upholds what the Sants and the BJP had been asserting. While the PM charged the Ayodhya movement with preplanning and conspiracy to demolish the disputed structure, the Government White Paper ruled out both. White the PM repeatedly labelled the structure as a mosque, his White Paper says on its very first page that from 1949 it was not being used as a mosque and in page after page thereafter it says that it was only a disputed structure. The charges against the VHP and the UP government made in the Government White Paper are palpably false. (Chapter VIII)

Nine, the role of law and the judiciary in the Ayodhya case clearly confirm the confession of the judiciary that some aspects of the Ayodhya case are incapable of judicial determination. It also brings out the fact that the judiciary had condemned itself as far back as 1955, that is 38 years before, for keeping the Ayodhya case pending, it is ironical that it should be pending even today. The effect, regardless of the intent, of the interim judicial orders in the Ayodhya case was to prevent the construction, while the delay, unprecedented in legal history, indefinitely prolonged the suit. It is evident that the English system of jurisprudence which is intended to settle bipartite property disputes cannot adjudicate on an explosive issue like Ayodhya. (Chapter IX)

Thus this White Paper deals with all aspects of the Ayodhya movement - its historic relevance and philosophic background as a recommencement of the suspended Somnath evolution; its historic background and the different methods by which the Hindus have been struggling for centuries to repossess the Ramjanmabhoomi; the thorough and complete evidence that proves how the temple was destroyed to raise the mosque, without anything to rebut the Hindu case which has fully met the shifty and shifting demands of the Masjid groups; the role of the different governments, Prime Ministers, political parties and leaders in response to the Ayodhya movement; how the cleverness of Shri Narasimha Rao landed his Government in a mess from which it drifted from one wrong to another and finally turned the Ayodhya movement into a multi-dimensional struggle; how the White Paper published by the Government repudiated Shri Narasimha Rao's declarations and accusations and how it prevaricates and withholds truth; and how the law and judiciary confessed their inability to solve the Ayodhya issue and yet kept passing interim orders to stifle the Temple construction. There is no aspect of the Ayodhya movement or its implications which this White Paper has not dealt with.

The BJP trusts that this comprehensive document will be an invaluable input to the ongoing national debate on Ayodhya and related issues - the meaning and content of secularism, communalism, and nationalism - which the Ayodhya movement, has thrown up for public debate and discourse. The BJP hopes that those who aspire to know and understand the depth and the reach of this greatest mass movement in the history of this nation will find in this White Paper a true and sincere account of the Ayodhya movement.


 
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