HVK Archives: Take the debate out of the Sena's paradigm; and two responses
Take the debate out of the Sena's paradigm; and two responses - The Observer
Posted By Ashok V Chowgule (ashokvc@giasbm01.vsnl.net.in)
October 29, 1996
The Bajrang Dal clearly wants to emulate the Shiv Sena in
its capacity to strike. In many ways the Shiv Sena is
the model for the recent crop of Hindu fascist organisa-
tions, and the Bajrang Dal is no exception.The motto in
such cases is to be contemptuously violent and casually
flout all the tenets of democracy and the law. For the
Shiv Sena and the Bajrang Dal, Hinduism is not the scrip-
tures, temple art or tradition. Hinduism is what they
want it to be. Hinduism is primarily anti-Muslim and
anti-Pakistan, and whatever else they can dream up. In
such a situation all means are valid as long as the enemy
is hurt.
The recent attack on Husain's works belongs to the same
genre. To pull out of thin air a non-issue, like the
painting of Saraswati in the nude, in order to provide an
opening for committing public violence is an oft used
ploy of organisations like the Shiv Sena and Bajrang Dal.
The sensation value of such a deed, especially when the
victim is none other than Husain, is itself quite an
achievement. But to be able to set off an intellectual
debate on the propriety of their act is an added bonus.
Attacks against artists, writers and intellectuals have
taken place on a variety of pretexts. In 1968 the noted
thespian Dilip Kumar was pilloried by the Shiv Sena for
being a Pakistani agent. A theatre screening a Dilip
Kumar was damaged by angry Shiv Sena supporters. In 1974
the editor of Maratha a popular Marathi journal, was
physically attacked because he dared portray Shivaji, the
idol of the Shiv Sena, in a not too favourable way. More
recently the Shiv Sena took on the 'Dalit Panthers' by
organising a violent demonstration against the publica-
tion of B R Ambedkar's Riddles of Hinduism. The Sainiks
demanded that the book be banned as it ridicules Hindu
texts and undermines their sacral quality. In none of
these cases was sex or nudity the issue. It is therefore
impossible to protect oneself against fascist attacks for
the agents of intolerance set up their standards idiosyn-
cratically. If it is goddesses in the nude one day, it
is the Hindu scriptures the next, or the writing of
history text books, and so on.
This is why it is important to desist from intellectual
debates with such organisations and insist instead that
the criminals who ravaged Husain's works be brought to
book. This will expose the sordity of fascism, as well
as the official agencies that protect and encourage them.
Unfortunately the friends of Husain have instead gone
ahead and launched into a full scale intellectual debate
with the Bajrang Dal. But who is listening?
This is rather unfortunate since such responses play into
the hands of fascist forces as the terms of the debate
are set by them. It must be acknowledged that the issue
is not a moral one about whether or not it is proper to
depict goddesses in the nude. That is indeed the way in
which Bajrang Dal would like the world to debate about
it, and so far they have succeeded in doing so. The
issue is a political one and should be fully recognised
as such.
The most obvious political factor is the manner in which
criminal activities can be used to gain political mile-
age. The fact that a handful of Hindu activists could
calmly ravage an art exhibition is clearly a law and
order problem and has nothing to do with religion or
morality. Regardless of who the vandals are, they ought
to be prosecuted as criminals. Instead most of us are
debating on questions of sex, religion and morality.
This allows the criminals a safe, refuge because what
they have done is now no longer wholly criminal.This
converts Bajrang Dal and their look alikes into intellec-
tuals, and brings them into class rooms and editorial
offices. And not into prison cells where they rightfully
belong.
Purely criminal motives
Consider the intellectual prestige that is being accorded
to criminal elements that call themselves Hindu patriots.
Not only have they got us talking about morality and
sexual propriety, but also about Hinduism and Hindu
iconography in temple architecture. The absurdity of
this is further compounded by the fact that the friends
of Husain are couching the demand to the right of free
expression, not just as an unadulterated right, but
rather because Hindu tradition allows for it. Articles,
letters and memorandums are issued to the effect that
Hinduism has always been tolerant about nudity, unlike
Victorian moralists, so Husain has every right to paint
goddesses in the nude. This might provoke some Hindu
purists of the Raja Ravi Varma style to argue that even
if nudity is alright, Husain had no business depicting
Saraswati with a Twiggy-like figure! Traditional Indian
paintings, and even calendrical prints portray Indian
goddesses with well endowed physiques.
This immediately, demonstrates that the discussion is now
no longer about democratic rights, but what it takes to
be a good Hindu. Arguments of this sort allow organisa-
tions like the Bajrang Dal or the Shiv Sena to set the
terms of the debate. Consequently they emerge as repre-
sentatives of a certain moralist and ethical point of
view, and not as perpetrators of criminal acts. For
instance, in the Husain affairs what is politically most
significant is that those who destroyed Husain's paint-
ings are roaming scot free without a hint of contrition.
Translated into popular terms, if a handful of agitators
can freely ransack, threaten and destroy, and no legal
action is taken against them, then it does wonders to
their public image. Their organisations gain in charisma
and become attractive to many. This not only draws the
anti-social elements to them, but also those who feel
humiliated, battered and bruised by the exigencies of
every day life. The history of the Shiv Sena demon-
strates this best of all.
In my own work with the Shiv Sena and with Sikh militancy
in Punjab, I found that one of the major reasons why so
many young people are attracted to such violent organisa-
tions is because of their ability to get away with ille-
gal and provocative acts. Sant Bhindranwale grew in
stature largely on account of systematic Congress encour-
agement and connivance. The man had done enough damage
to have been picked up long before he became a hero and
then a martyr. Even his incendiary speeches were freely
available on tape.
Likewise the Shiv Sena consistently glorifies violence
and engages in it in broad day light without fear of
official reprisals. Barely three weeks after the CPI
legislator Mr Krishna Desai was killed in 1967 by Shiv
Sainiks, Bal Thackeray publicly acknowledged the role of
his men in this murder and said that many more communists
would die if they did not quit. That Bal Thackeray was
able to get away with such political excesses only en-
hanced his image and that of the Shiv Sena. As a Shiv
Sainik once said: "Once people get to know where we come
from then 50 per cent of the job is done."
For precisely this reason it is crucial to expose the
political patronage that criminals thrive on. Once this
is recognised the futility of debating with fascists will
become clear. The more they are allowed to get away with
such criminal activities the more their political capital
grows. Intellectuals should therefore curb their natural
instinct to debate indiscriminately. Instead they should
unequivocally demand that the law should apply to crimi-
nals: no more no less.
--------------------------------------------------------
Response # 1.
From:
V Merchant
9-B, Suvas,
Rungta Lane,
Mumbai 400 006.
October 29, 1996.
Sir,
This has reference to "Take the debate out of the Sena's paradigm"
(Oct 29) by Shri Dipankar Gupta. While one cannot argue with this
sentiment, the question is who has placed the debate within the
Shiv Sena's paradigm, and whether it is desirable to exclude the
Sena as and when the new paradigm is determined. Right up to at
least 1986, the terms of the debate were being determined by Shri
Gupta and those with whom he empathises. Shiv Sena was essentially
a phenomenon restricted to Mumbai. What Shri Gupta should
enlighten is why did the people not accept his paradigm, and are
now turning to the Sena.
One would find it difficult to accept that Shri Gupta can provide
the answer, given the way he has dealt with the issue of the
objectionable painting by Shri Husain. His article is full of
contradictions, and he has not addressed the main issue which is,
had Shri Husain apologised at the beginning of the controversy,
rather than after the action taken by the Bajrang Dal, would the
terms of the debate not be within the 'secular' parameters? It is
fashionable amongst the 'secularists' to view the action of Bajrang
Dal without looking at the provocation. The sad part is that the
'secularists' campaign of calumny is continuing, even though Shri
Husain has apologised. Looking at the action of Bajrang Dal by
itself, is equivalent of blaming the Pandavas for the killings in
the Mahabhrat war.
It would appear that the main grouse of Shri Gupta is that the
terms of debate are now being set by the votaries of Hindutva. He
now finds that the position of patronage that he has been having is
slipping away. In the context of the ABVP victory in the JNU
student elections, Shri C Rajshekar said, "Even in the recent past,
just being known as an ABVP sympathiser was considered 'politically
incorrect' and 'risky' in the JNU campus. Identification with the
ABVP used to invite social ostracism both by teachers and fellow
leftist students." ("Saffron wave sweeps JNU", The Observer of
Business and Politics, Oct 23, 1996.) This programme of the
leftists is in the true spirit of fascism.
Yours sincerely,
(V Merchant)
To:
The Editor, The Pioneer,
Link House, 2nd Floor,
3 Bahadurshah Zafar Marg,
New Delhi 110 002.
-----------------------------------
Response # 2
From:
Ashok V Chowgule
Kanchanjunga
72, Dr G Deshmukh Marg,
Mumbai 400026.
October 29, 1996.
Sir,
Shri Dipankar Gupta in his article, "Take the debate out of the
Sena's paradigm" (Oct 29), has rightly stated that there has been
shift in the terms of discussion in our society. It goes without
saying that any change creates tensions, particularly to those who
were the determining factor earlier. They now find themselves to
be at the fringe of the intellectual samaj, and the situation must
be quite discomforting, to say the least.
The larger question is whether the change that has taken place is
for the better or not. Merely saying that the Shiv Sena is fascist
is neither here nor there. What is needed is whether the new
equation has validity and whether one can conduct a sane debate in
this paradigm. As per Shri Gupta the manner in which the present
breed of intellectuals have reacted to the nude Saraswati clearly
shows that they wish to conduct the debate in a way that is
unacceptable to him. But, is it acceptable to the rest of the
society? In the context of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, Shri V S
Naipaul had said, "What is happening in India is a new historical
awakening....Indian intellectuals, who want to be secure in their
liberal beliefs, may not understand what is going on. But every
other Indian knows precisely what is happening: deep down he knows
that a larger response is emerging even if at times this response
appears in his eyes to be threatening." (The Times of India, July
18, 1993.)
Considering his position in the intellectual arena, Shri Gupta has
a lot of job to do, and answer the issues raised in a more logical
and unbiased manner. In this, he must avoid the temptation of
bringing in the question of electoral benefit.
Yours sincerely,
(Ashok Chowgule)
To:
The Editor, The Pioneer,
Link House, 2nd Floor,
3 Bahadurshah Zafar Marg,
New Delhi 110 002.
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