HVK Archives: Divide and Rue
Divide and Rue - The Times of India
M N Srinivas
()
May 7, 1998
Title: Divide and Rue
Author: M N Srinivas
Publication: The Times of India
Date: May 7, 1998
The enumeration of castes and tribes in the decennial census is
not a mere numerical exercise for it affects the nature and
functioning of the enumerated groups.
British administrators learnt this truth the hard way after
conducting the first three or four censuses. They also learnt to
use the census, along with other measures, to keep Indians
divided. For instance, the Scheduled Castes were listed
separately from the other Hindu castes, while the existence of
caste distinctions among Muslims and Christians did not find
mention. As the nationalist movement gained strength, its leaders
opposed the census enumeration of castes on the ground that it
was divisive.
First Census
In the first census conducted in independent India, Sardar Patel
took a policy decision to drop the enumeration of castes except
for the SCs and STs as data regarding their numbers was essential
for ensuring their representation in legislatures and Parliament.
But caste had also been omitted in the wartime census of 1941 for
reasons of economy, and because the British census commissioner
was confronted with innumerable petitions requesting changes in
caste name and rank.
As far back as 1867-1871, when the first census operations were
conducted in India, two peasant castes of Madras Presidency
wanted to be classified as high castes, one as Kshatriya and the
other as Vaishya. The tendency to claim Kshatriya or Vaishya
status by low status groups increased significantly in 1881 and
1891 censuses. Sir Herbert Risley, author of the well known book,
The People of India and commissioner of the 1901 census, took a
decision to determine, through the census operations, the precise
rank of each jati in the local hierarchy, and its correct varna
affiliation. His idea was the result of a colossal
misunderstanding of the nature of caste, of confusing varna with
jati, and ignorance of the dynamism inherent in the jati system.
Jati ranking, unlike varna, is a fuzzy affair, especially in the
middle ranges where disputation regarding mutual rank is the rule
and not the exception. Such ambiguity is the essence of the
system, for it favours mobility. And historically speaking, the
ranks of Kshatriyas Vaishyas, and more rarely, even Brahmins,
have been occupied by upwardly mobile low status groups. It was
British rule and the imposition of Pax Britannica that froze that
kind of ability.
One gets an idea of the widespread discontent which Risley's
efforts caused in the following extract from the report of LSS
O'Malley, census commissioner of Bengal and Orissa in 1911:...
undreds of petitions were received from different castes
requesting that they ought to be known by a new name, be placed
higher up in the order of precedence, be registered as Kshatriya
and Vaishya, etc. Many castes were aggrieved at the positions
assigned to them, and complained that it lowered them in public
estimation." Risley's efforts also encouraged, over a period of
time, the formation of caste sabhas which, in turn, became
extremely active in petitioning census authorities for assigning
their castes a higher status, than that conceived by local
opinion. Caste sabhas also became agencies for reform, of caste
custom and ritual which occasionally led to clashes with higher
and dominant castes. The point which I wish to stress is that
Risley's efforts to determine the rank of each jati had exactly
the opposite effect, and led to considerable unrest among the
people.
Strident Demands
Since the reservation of seats in educational institutions and
jobs in the government started in the 1920s in parts of South
India, cognate sub-castes found it advantageous to form alliances
if not mergers, in order to increase their political clout, and
secure a greater share of such scarce resources as education and
employment. The size and scope of "reservation" has risen
substantially since 1901. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes, constituting 18 and five per cent respectively of the
population, are entitled to not only reservation in education and
employment, but reservation in all legislatures, state assemblies
and Parliament. Reservation for the backward classes is
restricted to education and employment, though it is as high as
70 per cent in Karnataka and 69 per cent in Tamil Nadu.
Since August 1990, the OBCs are entitled to reservation of 27 per
cent jobs in the central and state governments, following the
implementation of the Mandal Commission's recommendations. The
Commission listed 3,743 jatis as backward among Hindus, and
referred to the existence of backward castes among Muslims. And
as everyone knows, in recent years, Dalits Christians have been
demanding that they be treated on par with SCs among Hindus,
Sikhs and Buddhists. Once the census commission starts its
activities in earnest, all demands for classification as OBC, SC
and ST are going to become strident.
Other Complication
Groups which are today an integral part of a single backward
caste may claim to be distinct in the hope that its claims might
get better attention. For there is a widespread feeling among
backward classes that the more influential and powerful sections
and families are siphoning off the benefits at the cost of the
poorer and weaker groups. Not many people are aware that there
exists a division of castes into right-hand and left-hand - a
division that runs through the hierarchy - in large parts of
South India and many groups belonging to the left-hand division
think that they are not getting their share of the benefits. A
fresh census enumeration might result in their demanding a
separate listing which will have political repercussions.
Another complication is that there are many groups all over the
country which think that they have been unjustly denied OBC, SC
or ST status. They will seize the census as an opportunity for
redressal and will exert tremendous pressure on political parties
to push their demands through. Counting heads in each caste will
also pose problems to the hapless enumerators. There are likely
to be complaints that the census figures have underestimated the
numerical strength of the caste or other groups, a situation
which may lead to litigation. Last but not the least are the
middle classes. Not only have their numbers increased
significantly during the last two decades, but they are also far
more vocal and demanding. They will have visceral objections to
the enumeration of castes in the census.
Even more important, educated youth all over the country, hailing
largely from the middle classes, will stage protests, burn
effigies and even immolate themselves. What happened in the
months following August 1990, might seem utterly insignificant
compared to the scale of the disturbances which are likely to
materialise.
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