Hindu Vivek Kendra
A RESOURCE CENTER FOR THE PROMOTION OF HINDUTVA
   
 
 
«« Back
archive: Of forgotten fighters (Interview with Lt.-Gen A.S. Kalkat.)

Of forgotten fighters (Interview with Lt.-Gen A.S. Kalkat.)

Posted by Ashok Chowgule (ashokvc@giasbm01.vsnl.net.in)
Frontline
July 30, 1999


    Title: Of forgotten fighters (Interview with Lt.-Gen A.S. Kalkat.)
    Author: 
    Publication: Frontline
    Date: July 30, 1999 
    
    As the fighting in the Kargil sector reached a decisive phase,
    military analysts were drawing comparisons between this latest round
    and the battles fought by the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Sri
    Lanka in the period between 1987 and 1990. In that operation, 70,000
    young men and women, including soldiers, sailors, airmen and civilian
    service personnel, fought in adverse conditions and hostile
    circumstances for over two and a half years. But today, the nation
    seems to have forget ten them. According to Lieutenant-General
    (retired) A.S. Kalkat, who commanded the IPKF, they "fought with
    honour and returned with dignity." 
    
    The valiant soldiers fighting in Kargil are given due recognition. In
    a widespread and spontaneous response, the state, private enterprise
    and individual citizens have contributed liberally to welfare funds
    for the families of the dead and the wounded. However, a sort of
    collective amnesia seems to have set in about the around 1,200 Indian
    soldiers who were killed in the jungles of Sri Lanka. 
    
    Here, Lt.-Gen. Kalkat draws parallels between the IPKF experience and
    the current one in the Kargil sector. Speaking to John Cherian in New
    Delhi, Lt.-Gen. Kalkat said that it was still not too late for the
    nation to recognise the sacrifices made by the IPKF soldiers.
    Excerpts: 
    
    Q: Are there any comparisons to be drawn between the fighting in the
    Kargil sector and the IPKF experience? 
    A: Yes and no. The IPKF operations as well as the operations in the
    Kargil sector are infantry-predominant operations. What this means is
    that in normal battles, the Air Force, and if there is a coastline,
    the Navy, play important roles. The other components of the Army,
    particularly tanks and heavy artillery, play a predominant role in
    supporting the infantry. This results in much fewer casualties among
    infantry soldiers. 
    
    However, in jungle terrain and in mountain warfare, the support of
    tanks is almost absent. The ability of the Air Force to provide close
    air support gets severely restricted and artillery support is not as
    effective as in the plains. This is the common condition which we
    soldiers faced in Sri Lanka and indeed face today in the Kargil
    sector. This implies a much greater reliance by the infantry soldier
    on his personal weapons and involves engaging the enemy eyeball to
    eyeball in close combat, often fighting hand to hand ultimately to
    destroy him. This kind of fighting in essence is the ultimate test of
    human endurance, perseverance and courage. 
    
    The next common factor is that the engagements are not of large
    formations, such as brigades and divisions. Most battles are fought at
    the company and platoon levels, and because of this the performance of
    the young officer, who is the company or platoon commander, becomes a
    battle-winning factor. As I can see, the performance of the young
    officer, which was outstanding in Sri Lanka as was evident from the
    high proportion of officer casualties, is following a similar pattern
    in the Kargil sector. 
    
    In both cases, our soldiers faced a battle-hardened adversary. In
    Kargil, in addition to the regular Pakistan Army, there is the Afghan
    Mujahideen; in Sri Lanka, there was the LTTE. Both the Afghan
    Mujahideen and the LTTE have been rated among the most dangerous
    militant-terrorist organisations in the world. 
    
    Another common factor is that the militants in both the cases have
    been armed with the most sophisticated weaponry, often superior to
    that used by the Indian infantry. In Sri Lanka, the LTTE had AK-47s.
    We never had them. The LTTE also had better hand-held communication
    equipment. 
    
    Q: Was the political environment different when the IPKF moved into
    Sri Lanka? 
    A: When the IPKF first went in, there was great public euphoria for
    two months. But the moment the fighting broke out in right earnest and
    the body bags started coming home, the euphoria came down. Over a
    period there were dissenting voices on the government's decision, and
    indeed against the IPKF. One major political party placed its
    opposition to the involvement of the IPKF in its election manifesto.
    This seriously impaired the morale of the Indian soldiers fighting in
    the jungles of Sri Lanka. 
    
    I am happy to say that today the entire nation is behind the Indian
    soldier in one voice. This certainly makes the task of the commanders
    easier in sustaining morale and commitment among their troops. 
    
    Q: Can this support be sustained for an extended period of time? 
    A:  My main concern is that in case this confrontation lingers on for
    long, media interest will start waning after some time. The time
    should never come that the people of this country lose interest. That
    is a dangerous scenario which will create the syndrome of 'a forgotten
    army' - a feeling which had started to creep into the IPKF towards the
    later stages. 
    
    Q: Was there a similar patriotic fervour when the IPKF was in action? 
    A: None whatsoever, except in Tamil Nadu, where there was great
    awareness of the ongoing conflict in the north and east Sri Lanka. We
    got symbolic gifts and donations but nothing substantive. 
    
    Q: Have the martyrs of that war been forgotten? 
    A: It is still not too late. There should be a memorial to commemorate
    the memory of the soldiers who left the shores of India to fulfil the
    country's solemn commitment to a friendly neighbour and for which they
    gave their lives and never returned to their motherland. I would be
    failing in my duty to the families of the valiant dead of the IPKF,
    which I had the privilege to command, if I were not to speak on their
    behalf. In a country where memorials and monuments are put up for all
    and sundry, no government has seen it fit to lay even one stone or one
    brick to commemorate the brave men of the Indian armed forces who laid
    down their lives. There is no place for public recognition for their
    sacrifices; there is no place where the families of the dead martyrs
    can even place a wreath in memory of their loved ones. 
    
    Even though Vietnam was this century's most controversial and
    unpopular involvement, the American nation did not forget its dead:
    the Vietnam Memorial in Washington is the tribute of a grateful people
    to the patriotism and sacrifice of its soldiers. A nation that does
    not honour its dead heroes dishonours itself. 
    
    Since the withdrawal of the IPKF from Sri Lanka in March 1990,
    successive governments have wished that it had never happened. Indeed,
    some hoped that by disregarding it, it would be erased from the memory
    of the nation. Be that as it may, some facts are incontrovertible and
    can neither be wished away nor thrown into the dustbin of history.
    First, it actually happened; second, 1,200 Indian soldiers sacrificed
    their lives and more than 3,000 were wounded; third, a former Prime
    Minister of our country was assassinated; fourth, the bloodbath in Sri
    Lanka continues with even greater ferocity, and finally, neither the
    government of Sri Lanka nor the LTTE nor all the political negotiators
    since have come up with a better alternative to the Indo-Sri Lanka
    Accord. 
    
    Q: Do you visualise a quick conclusion to the conflict in Kargil? 
    A: We do not know the details of the initiatives, talks and contacts
    taking place at the covert level. Therefore, if one were to take the
    statements in the press at face value, then it would appear that the
    conflict would end soon. However, I am sceptical of commitments given
    by Pakistan, particularly in respect to any issue in Kashmir.
    Basically, Pakistan should stick to its words and ensure that the
    militants are not allowed to operate. Pakistan should not be allowed
    to wage a proxy war. In such a situation, we have no option but to
    fight till the last infiltrator is driven out or killed. 
    
    Q: What are the options available for India? 
    A: At this stage we have two options. One is to carry on as we are
    doing now - which is a long-drawn-out and time-consuming affair ...
    Alternatively, cross the Line of Control (LoC) or the border at a time
    and place of our choosing ultimately to destroy the invaders. 
    
    Obviously, around the area of the current operations, bypassing the
    positions established by the infiltrators - lower to the LoC - may not
    be possible since all existing gaps would have been plugged by the
    regular Pakistan Army. Therefore we may have to seek the ingress
    routes across the LoC away from the area. There are other alternatives
    such as solely using air power to strike at their artillery which is
    supporting the infiltrators from positions in Pakistan- Occupied
    Kashmir (POK). Since Pakistan claims that it is not supporting the
    Mujahideen, then it cannot complain that we have hit their guns. Of
    course such an action raises the conflict to another level.
    Nevertheless, if there seems a danger of this conflict lingering on,
    it leaves India with no choice except to seek one of these options
    than getting involved in a bleeding war.
    



Back                          Top

«« Back
 
 
 
  Search Articles
 
  Special Annoucements