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archive: A chance to shed preoccupations of the past: Jaswant (Question

A chance to shed preoccupations of the past: Jaswant (Question

C. Raja Mohan
The Hindu
July 25, 1999


    Title: A chance to shed preoccupations of the past: Jaswant (Question
    and Answer with Jaswant Singh)
    Author: C. Raja Mohan
    Publication: The Hindu
    Date: July 25, 1999 
    
    On the eve of his departure for the annual meetings of the ASEAN
    Regional Forum in Singapore, the External Affairs Minister, Mr.
    Jaswant Singh, spoke to The Hindu.  The following are excerpts from
    the interview.
    
    Q: The Kargil Issue is expected to figure at the ARF.  What will be
    the main thrust of your presentation on Kargil at Singapore?
    A: In the management of the military and diplomatic aspects of the
    Kargil crisis until now we have taken every opportunity to candidly
    and forthrightly put across our view-point to as wide a variety of the
    members of the international community as possible.
    
    The upcoming meeting of the ASEAN Regional Forum in Singapore is yet
    another opportunity to highlight India's view point and concerns.
    
    Ahead of us are many issues in relation to Kargil that need to be
    addressed, including the completion of the Pakistani withdrawal,
    tidying up of the military situation in a few pockets, and getting
    Pakistan to reaffirm the validity and inviolability of the Line of
    Control.
    
    India will also reemphasis the question of cross- border terrorism -
    the incitement and abetment of terrorism within India by Pakistan and
    how this is a violation of all previous Indo-Pakistan agreements.
    
    We will take this opportunity to communicate to this very important
    gathering that we remain committed to the Lahore process and the
    earliest possible resumption of the dialogue with Pakistan.
    
    Q: How do you propose to consolidate at Singapore the diplomatic gains
    from the Kargil episode?
    A: The understanding shown by the international community and the
    support extended to India's position is principally a recognition of
    the justness of India's cause.  This has been a matter of satisfaction
    for us and we are grateful for that support; but I do not treat this
    international support as a crutch.
    
    India has an opportunity now to move away from some of the
    preoccupations of yesteryears and to acquire for itself the rightful
    position in the comity of nations.
    
    Q: How do you assess the U.S. policy towards Kargil and the upcoming
    meeting with Ms.  Madeleine Albright, U.S. Secretary of State?
    A: I greatly look forward to the meeting with Ms. Madeleine Albright
    and the exchange of views we will have.  The understanding that the
    Clinton Administration has shown of the Indian position in the Kargil
    episode has decidedly been a significant initiative by the U.S. in
    South Asia.
    
    It is both a recognition of the correctness of India's case and the
    folly of Pakistan's misadventure.  It is a recognition, too, of the
    altering geostrategic contours in the region.  It is therefore an
    opportunity for India and the U.S. States to reassess the situation,
    re-examine their respective positions, and to attempt to build a more
    productive, bilaterally more useful relationship based on an
    understanding and respect for each other's viewpoints on a wide
    variety of issues.
    
    Q: Has the consistent U.S. support for India in the Kargil crisis
    changed the context for thinking about the future of Indo-U.S.
    relations?
    A: I do think it has.  But we need to go down this path with care and
    circumspection.  The legacies of the past continue to occupy space in
    our thinking.  I do believe that, if properly handled, there is a
    great future for this relationship between two of the largest
    democracies in the world.
    
    Q: What does India expect from the relation-ship with the U.S.?
    A: India expects the shedding of the prejudices of the past.  It also
    expects the recognition of its true standing of the Indian State as it
    has evolved.  Besides it is only the legacy of the U.S. positions in
    this region - a legacy that impinged on India's security interests -
    that until now has clouded our relationship.  As two sovereign and
    equal nations we need to address this afresh.
    
    Q: How do you look at India's relations with China?
    A: China is our largest neighbour; it is a great and ancient
    civilisation.  I have no doubt in my mind that we can address our
    mutual concerns with maturity and an eye on the future.  The geography
    of our contiguity with each other will not alter.  This, we have to
    not simply recognise, but to use as an asset not a liability.
    
    For this the proposed security dialogue, as also the agreement to
    address the issue of Line of Actual Control and its clarification are
    significant steps forward.  I hope to pursue these further with the
    distinguished Chinese Foreign Minister, Mr. Tang Jiaxuan, in
    Singapore.
    
    Q: The U.S. and China are dominant powers in Asia; are India's
    relations with them a zero sum game?
    A: I don't see it as a zero sum game at all.  The centrality of India
    in Asia can simply not be wished away.  Besides India has to conduct
    relations with the U.S., China, and Russia as equals; but not as
    impinging on ties with an-other.
    
    Q: Is India looking for new alignments in Asia?
    A: Of course not.  We are in the game of either reinvesting or indeed
    working another round of cold war division of the world into competing
    blocs, as it were; that era is over.  India the great powers much more
    purposefully and productively than we have been until now.
    
    Q: On the problematic relationship with Japan?
    A: I would not describe it as problematic.  I have often said that of
    all nations on earth, it is Japanese sensibilities about weapons of
    mass destruction that I respect greatly.  Japan has after all been the
    only nation that has been the victim of the use of nuclear weapons.
    
    Having said that, I must nevertheless voice a certain degree of
    disappointment that a reciprocal understanding of India's security
    imperatives has not been so forthcoming from Japan.  This after all is
    an area, which then must be addressed.  The only manner in which it
    can be done is by way of a dialogue and discussion.  I hope to be able
    to continue this process when I meet the Japanese Foreign Minister,
    Mr. Masahiko Komura, in Singapore.
    
    Q: India had announced a "Look East" policy in the early 1990s; but it
    appears to have lost momentum.  Would you try and rejuvenate the
    policy towards our South East Asian neighbours?
    A: I would very much like to.  I had planned a number of bilateral
    visits to South East Asian nations before the ARF meeting. 
    Unfortunately the Kargil crisis necessitated a postponement of the
    meetings.  As South East Asia embarks on the path of economic
    recovery, and the Indian economy gains momentum, we hope to revitalise
    India's ties to the region.
    
    Q: Looking beyond Kargil, how do you look at the problems of Asian
    security?
    A: The ARF is the forum to discuss Asian security issues.  There are
    many unresolved territorial disputes left over from the colonial era. 
    Non-transgression upon the territory of an-other and not attempting to
    change borders by force must be key principles of any security order
    in Asia.  If these aspects receive larger attention and acceptance in
    Asia, I think, we will be taking a very significant step forward. 
    Non-aggression is particularly incumbent upon those nations that
    possess nuclear weapons.  After all Asia now has four countries with
    nuclear weapons.  It may be useful for the region to think in terms of
    enunciating this broad principle.
    
    Q: What kind of role do you envisage for India in strengthening Asian
    security?
    A: The international community is beginning to recognise that India is
    an important factor for stability, progress and peace - not just in
    the Subcontinent - but the larger context of Asia.  This assessment is
    based on the proven democratic values of India and its giant economic
    potential.  Most important, India is not the exporter of any
    destabilising ideology.  Therefore a politically stable and
    economically thriving India has the potential to emerge as the fulcrum
    of Asia.
    



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