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Countering militancy

Countering militancy

Author: Editorial
Publication: Dawn, Karachi
Date: February 14, 2001

THE government's decision to ban the collection of funds by jihadi organizations is a step that has been long overdue. One only hopes that the government is aware of the enormity of the task that confronts it, given the religious parties' assertive spirit and organizational strength. Where a jihadi organization is an affiliate of a political party, fund raising becomes somewhat easier, because the party's hierarchical structure enables it to collect funds for its militant wing. Such collections are made at mosques and at party rallies. Those sympathetic to the party also make regular contributions to the jihadi affiliate. Where a jihadi body is not affiliated to a political party, it operates on its own, because there is no law prohibiting a party or organization from collecting donations for a cause. In both cases, their advantage lies in having dedicated cadres who effectively propagate their cause in religious idiom or rely on literature couched in religious jargon. More important, because these parties and groups solicit donations in the name of religion, the response is usually quite impressive.

However, in most cases, the money thus collected is used for purchasing arms and for strengthening the party's propaganda network. That invariably leads to an accretion of strength to jihadi organizations and their parent parties where they exist and gives them a political clout that is far out of proportion to their popular standing or their electoral strength. More important, they are not averse to flexing their military muscle in pursuit of their objectives or when obstructed. In fact, we have had examples where some religious parties organized meetings and rallies where arms were in abundant display in open violation of the law. One such meeting was even attended recently by the interior minister. We also know how a major religious party, protesting against the Sharif family's exile, organized a rally in Lahore in defiance of the law. Yet, when it comes to the mainstream political parties, they are not permitted to hold rallies. The government's lack of evenhandedness has, thus, served to embolden the religious parties and their armed wings to defy the law and use intimidating tactics against their opponents.

Against this reality, while welcoming the interior minister's move, one doubts if the government has the will and the institutional strength to take action against a jihadi outfit displaying arms in public or collecting donations in violation of the ban. The fact is that the religious parties have discovered their strength. In the given context, since the two leading mainstream political parties are on its wrong side, the military-led government would seem in no position to antagonize the religious parties. To prove the point, on quite a few occasions in the past, it has looked the other way while religious parties and their militant wings have tended to act as a parallel authority issuing edicts and ultimatums. They have also often given an impression as if they were pursuing a foreign policy agenda of their own and dealing with foreign governments, friends and foes, on their own terms.

All this had had a negative impact on Pakistan's political and social scene. Given their religious power, backed now by trained armed activists, the religious parties often resort to violence and take the law into their own hands - as seen in the burning of the offices of The Frontier Postrecently. At a social level, this has led to a sense of insecurity, particularly among the minority communities and women. In fact, the entire national scene now seems to be coming under the lengthening shadow of Taliban-like elements. One only hopes the government is aware of the implications of all this and has the courage, vision and ability to take firm and timely steps to check the country's slide into utter chaos as a result of this and other disturbing developments.
 


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