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Flop-side of the conversion game

Flop-side of the conversion game

Author: Jitendra Verma/Gurgaon
Publication: The Pioneer
Date: November 19, 2002

The post-Jajjhar conversion controversy is showing sure signs of manipulation and political gameplans. Out of the 100-plus Dalits said to have converted to Buddhism, Christianity and Islam as a fallout to the October 15 massacre, only five confirm that they have gone over to faiths other than Hinduism.

Out of the 17 listed by conversionist Udit Raj, only five were post-Jajjhar and the rest converted over a long period of time, and for varying reasons, much before the Dalit massacre. Shankar Lal Kharlia is now Saddam Hussein - Suresh Chandra/Pioneer

Besides, "the bloated figure of 100-plus is just a number blunder manipulated by the conversion brigade. What they actually do is take into account the entire family of one person converted. The newest list of 17 names, given to the media by the All India Confederation of SC/ST Organisation headed by Udit Raj, has been multiplied by approximately seven (per family) to reach the bloated number," says Gurgaon district president of the BSP Roshan Lal. He, and many others in Gurgaon, are steadfast in their assertion that "not even five, only three got converted that day."

Dr Om Pal Kataria, who converted to Buddhism along with the others on October 27, seconds Lal's view. He, however, confirms that only his family converted lock, stock. "No other families were present," he says, adding: "That day only B S Kanwalia, Shankar Lal Kharlia, Jagmohan Pawar, Khem Chand Dawala and C P Mehra converted."

However, Lord Buddha Club president Satya Prakash Jarwata says that 17 families got converted in Ravidas Mandir, Gurgaon, in protest against Jajjhar. "If the head of the family converts, then all other members are deemed converted," he adds.

This means that the entire family of a converted Dalit is considered converted by association. But meet Saddam Hussein's (the newest converted Dalit, formerly Shankar Lal Kharlia) mother in the recesses of Gurgaon and the politics of the game stands out starkly. Sporting a big rod in her hand and with eyes spewing rage, she stands on the steps of her house, shooing this reporter away: "Jaan se maar doongi agar kisi ne bhi use Saddam bulaya. Hum nahin mante yeh conversion verversion (I'll kill you if you call him Saddam. I don't recognise this conversion affair)," she declares. "Woh Hindu hai or Hindu rahega (He's a Hindu and will remain so)" she adds. It is only after a second effort and help from Roshan Lal that one finally gets to meet Saddam.

"My family is scared. That's why my family is opposed to conversion," he asserts. Scared or not, Saddam's family is among many others who deny that they are with any convert. And that includes the five families who were victims of the Jajjhar massacre. They are strong in their stand that "there is no question of conversion." As for their presence at the recent conversion function in Gurgaon, they say they were unaware of the nature of the meet and were present there as "we were told it is a shok sabha for our killed sons," says Ratan Singh, whose 23-year-old son Virendra Singh was lynched. "Why should we convert? What will we get out of it," questions Budh Ram, father of slain Dayachand. Deceased Raju's uncle Ram Kumar denies that in Haryana there have been clashes between Jats and Dalits - "at least not in my village. That's why the question of conversion does not arise." Caught in the vortex of pro and anti-conversion elements, the low-profile dalit of Haryana has been catapulted centre-stage. The limelight is uncomfortable and the head-count as a votebank even more alien. Ever since UP Chief Minister Mayawati came to their rescue a week after the massacre, the Dalits are in a cleftstick. Trapped between the local BSP unit and persons like Udit Raj, said to be in the process of parading his newest line of converts from Haryana at Delhi's Ramlila Ground and also in Chennai where an anti-conversion Bill has been passed. After which, sources say, Raj will be quitting the Indian Revenue Services and floating a political outfit. On his part, Raj is steadfast in his contention that the conversion number of 100 plus is for real. "I will be fighting the elections in Gujarat and I will be going it alone," he says, adding that "my new party will be announced in three or four days, maybe November 24." Though the five Dalit converts talk of purely social reasons for the religion switch, they are unaware of their potential to shape rosy political futures for others.
 


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