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Neighbourhood Watch

Neighbourhood Watch

Author: Satinder K. Lambah
Publication: Outlook
Date: February 24, 2003

Introduction: International support is essential but finally, the battle against terrorism has to be fought by us alone.

At the outset, some home truths about Pakistan need to be reiterated. One, Pakistan was created on the basis of Islam but that still couldn't bind its diverse society together. The concept of nationhood was, therefore, defined in narrow, anti- Indian terms. This will continue, even if there is an acceptable solution on Kashmir. Two, the Punjabi elite have always dominated all institutions of governance in Pakistan- the army, civil services and political establishment. Three, the army, whether or not in power, is the final arbiter in Pakistani politics and issues relating to Indo-Pakistan relations. So India's objectives have to be precisely and directly conveyed to Pakistan. These are:

* India wants peaceful, cooperative relations with Pakistan.
* Pakistan can't be allowed to ignore, bypass or undermine any earlier agreement, whether signed in Shimla, Lahore or elsewhere.
* No unlawful infiltration of men, narcotics or arms will be allowed. This is a prerequisite for any substantial dialogue.
* No nuclear blackmail will be tolerated.
* Any attempt to disrupt the communal situation in India will not only be resisted but will be met with a heavy hand.

For us, it is important not to be deflected from our long-term goals even during moments of tension. There is a need to restore diplomatic relations to a higher level to ensure useful interaction. On crucial occasions, in the past, diplomatic contacts have helped diffuse Indo-Pak tensions. One must remember that even at the height of their confrontation, the US and the erstwhile Soviet Union maintained full diplomatic relations. So channels of communication must remain open as, eventually, there'll be no alternative to a bilateral dialogue.

Unfortunately, cross-border terrorism has been a part of Pakistan's psyche as regards relations with India. It needs to be emphasised, and not merely in words, that our patience is not unlimited and actions like the attack on Parliament will no longer go unpunished.

There's also the matter of Indian diplomats being harassed in Pakistan. There was once a pertinent comment that while Pakistani diplomats in India are toasted, Indian diplomats there are roasted. This is generally true but there are also some warm, pleasant memories. Even so, the bilateral agreement on the Code of Conduct for Treatment of Diplomatic/Consular personnel on both sides needs to be reviewed.

Pakistan's unique contribution to the perversion of the deterrence theory is another matter. Deterrence works best when it is backed by a status quoist policy as, for example, of nato during the Cold War. Pakistan is using its nuclear card to change the status quo vis-a-vis India, based on the belief that even with the continued cross-border terrorism, a military response from India is unlikely because of the nuclear equation. Pakistan knows that India has the political and military means to effectively respond to such attempts. At the other level, it should be reminded that we are ready to cooperate on nuclear matters, including having a bilateral agreement on no-first use of N-weapons against each other.

Meanwhile, economic and trade relations are always important. Pakistan does not want these links with India because it is concerned that such interaction will create a pro-India lobby there. Those who lecture us on more concessions must first persuade Pakistan to give India the notional MFN (most favoured nation) status and adhere to the safta (South Asian Free Trade Agreement) arrangements which had been agreed to at the Kathmandu SAARC meeting. In fact, we can even approach the WTO regarding the MFN status.

At this juncture, we cannot allow Pakistan to misinterpret any Indian gesture as a sign of weakness. This may make the thought of cultural/sports/travel contacts sound odd.But it is important not to lose sight of these common denominators. In the long run, it'll encourage people-to-people contact. We can't lose sight of the fact that saner elements do exist in Pakistan. The emergence of satellite TV has helped in this regard, creating an awareness about India that was earlier lacking.

Diplomatic pressure, of course, has to continue. The international community has to be convinced that what is being inflicted on us is harmful to the stability of the region and that we are equally serious both in our campaign to combat terrorism and in our resolve on peaceful coexistence.

Pakistan's descent into international isolation through the '90s was suddenly reversed by 9/11. The international community must realise that Pakistan cannot be trusted as a partner in the coalition against terrorism. Its abetment of the Taliban, the promoting of terror in J&K, nuclear cooperation with North Korea and the nurturing of terrorist groups (the victims include foreigners) are explicit examples of Pakistan's design.

Most countries are unwilling to publicly acknowledge Pakistan's activities against us as terrorism because either they don't want to get involved or they harbour double standards. So even though seeking and securing international support is essential, there is the danger of basing our policy on wishful expectation. Finally, the battle against terrorism has to be fought by us alone.

So it's doubly important that while explaining our case to other countries it be clearly stated that Jammu & Kashmir is a part of India and hence non-negotiable. We should also make the world aware of the deplorable living conditions in Pakistan- occupied Kashmir. In our own area, the need to take advantage of the improved situation in J&K after the elections cannot be overemphasised. Setting our own house in order will make it all the more difficult for Pakistan to meddle in our internal affairs. A situation cannot be created anywhere in India which enables Pakistan to exploit communal or ethnic faultlines.

It must be remembered that Pakistan enjoys the attention we give them. Even a small bilateral incident makes headlines. The trick is to treat them as just another neighbour.

(The author, a former high commissioner to Pakistan, was till recently special envoy for Afghanistan)
 


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