Author:
Publication: Commentary
Date: February 2003
URL: http://commentarymagazine.com/letters.htm#J
Daniel Pipes includes us in a group
of university professors who "deny that jihad has any military meaning
whatsoever" ["Jihad and the Professors," November 2002]. Though we have
generally respected Mr. Pipes as a scholar, he has both of us absolutely
and totally wrong on this matter. For the past year and more, we have made
exactly the opposite point about jihad in lectures to various audiences
(including ones at the U.S. Naval Academy and the University of Notre Dame).
In the June/July 2002 issue of First Things, James Turner Johnson explained
his understanding of the idea of "jihad of the sword" in Islamic tradition
as well as Osama bin Laden's explicit use of that tradition in a 1998 fatwa.
Similar pieces by John Kelsay appeared recently in America and the Christian
Century.
It is certainly true that in the
Qur'an the word jihad applies to the inner struggle for submission to God,
but it is a great and unwarranted leap to conclude that granting this amounts
to a denial of its military meaning. Indeed, the use of this word to apply
to warfare traces back to the prophet Muhammad and the original Muslim
community, and a well developed position on jihad of the sword is a firm
element in Islamic law beginning in the late 8th century. A distorted,
though undoubtedly seriously religious, version of this idea is one of
the cornerstones of contemporary jihadism.
JOHN KELSAY
Princeton University
Princeton, New Jersey
JAMES TURNER JOHNSON
Rutgers University
New Brunswick, New Jersey
To the Editor:
Although I have long admired and
profited from the scholarly insights of Daniel Pipes, he does John Kelsay
a grave injustice when he writes in "Jihad and the Professors" that Kelsay
concurs with those who "deny that jihad has any military meaning whatsoever."
Kelsay is a careful and responsible
scholar whose views do not warrant Mr. Pipes's charge. In his book Islam
and War: A Study in Comparative Ethics (1993), for example, Kelsay notes
the Sunni division of the world into dar al-Islam, the territory where
Islamic norms have official recognition, and dar al-harb, the territory
where "ignorance of God" is said to prevail. Kelsay accurately describes
the Islamic view that
the territory of Islam . . . could
not be a secure place until and unless Islamic hegemony was acknowledged
everywhere. To secure such hegemony was the goal of the jihad, or "struggle
in the path of God." According to the Sunni theorists, war or jihad by
means of killing is justified when a people resists or otherwise stands
in opposition to the legitimate goals of Islam.
In more recent articles, he has
explicitly described both the aggressively military component of jihad
and some of the more important Islamic rationales defending it.
Daniel Pipes has made a superb contribution
to our understanding of the confrontation of Islam with the modern world.
It would be a pity if the value of his work were diminished by inaccurate
characterizations-no matter how unintentional-of the contributions of other
scholars.
RICHARD L. RUBENSTEIN
University of Bridgeport
Fairfield, Connecticut
To the Editor:
Daniel Pipes expresses great concern
about the falsification of facts by American scholars who should know better.
Yet he makes two claims about me, both of them false. First, he claims
I am the author of a book called The Road to Kandahar: A Genealogy of Jihad
in Modern Islamist Political Thought. Though I have delivered a public
lecture by that name, I have published no article or book by that title;
the book I did write is called Enemy in the Mirror: Islamic Fundamentalism
and the Limits of Modern Rationalism (1999).
Further, Mr. Pipes attributes to
me the position that there is no military component to jihad. This is not
a position I hold, nor is it one for which I have ever argued. In the lecture
from which Mr. Pipes quotes (but which he did not attend), I clearly stated
that Muslims in the past and the present have interpreted jihad to entail
a range of actions and imperatives, both military and nonmilitary. To quote
from my own lecture, I argued that the legal doctrine of jihad defines
it as "legitimate force in defense and expansion of Islam," and that Islamists
such as Sayyid Qutb have drawn upon this doctrine to reject the argument
that jihad is primarily spiritual or defensive. Qutb argued that jihad
is necessary to "rid the world of jahiliyya [ignorance] and establish divine
sovereignty." His targets included what he saw as the "newest dar al-harb-the
West" and any Muslims who disagreed with his view of what Islam or jihad
really is. In the book that I did write, I make this argument in more detail.
ROXANNE L. EUBEN
Wellesley College
Wellesley, Massachusetts
To the Editor:
Jihad is clearly endorsed in the
Qur'an in cases of oppression and injustice, and it is naïve of academic
apologists for Islam to focus just on its aspect of inner struggle. But
Daniel Pipes's assertion that jihad is intended to force Islam on non-Muslims
is disproved by the verse in the Qur'an that says, "there is no compulsion
in religion." Even in cases where armed struggle is allowed, there are
strict Islamic guidelines: there must be no treaty with the other nation,
it must be given fair warning to desist from its behavior, and the fighting
must stop when the oppression has ceased. Under no circumstances can jihad
take on an offensive posture or-as Mr. Pipes thinks-act as a tool of Muslim
dominion.
There are definitely historical
instances in which Muslims waged war on non-Muslims without just cause.
But most educated Muslims believe that God was not on the side of the Muslims
who committed these excesses because they had left the bounds of Islamic
law. The wars associated with Islamic victory and expansion were largely
defensive ones in which Muslims fought non-Muslims who had oppressed Muslim
minorities.
ERFAN IBRAHIM
San Ramon, California
To the Editor:
Daniel Pipes is known for his diatribes
against Islam and Muslims. Reading his article on "Jihad and the Professors,"
I thought, "Here he goes again!"
Mr. Pipes asserts that professors
and peace-loving Muslims are wrong when they say that jihad means "to resist
temptations and become a better person," and that Osama bin Laden's definition
of the term as "the legal, compulsory, communal effort to expand the territories
ruled by Muslims . . . at the expense of territories ruled by non-Muslims"
is the only correct one. To support this claim, he cites Muslim struggles
in Algeria, Egypt, Sudan, Chechnya, and Kashmir (though he somehow leaves
out Palestine). Yet, in Chechnya, Kashmir, and Palestine, it is Muslims
who are the victims of territorial expansion, and the struggles in Algeria
and Egypt are within the Muslim community.
Mr. Pipes is also wrong when he
claims that Muhammad engaged in 78 battles, only one of them defensive.
In point of fact, he fought three battles (in which the total number of
casualties did not exceed 136), and all were defensive. Muhammad regarded
human life as sacred and avoided violence at all costs. Islam is the fastest
growing religion in the West today, and this is certainly not because of
jihad or coercion.
SHAFI REFAI
President
United Muslims of America
Fremont, California
To the Editor:
The fatal flaw in Daniel Pipes's
argument is that he ignores the material on jihad and war in the Qur'an
itself. In fact, when the term jihad appears in the Qur'an, it always indicates
the inner struggle to be a good Muslim. Never does it indicate armed or
military action.
Mr. Pipes also makes the error of
thinking that every war in which Muslims take part must be labeled jihad.
This is not so. The Qur'an's rules of war are clear, and many of them would
resonate with Augustine's "just war" teachings.
To be sure, jihad can become violent
and militaristic. The Qur'an holds that the "blood of my enemy is lawful
to me" when the enemy prevents a Muslim from achieving any of the five
pillars of Islam. In recent history, who has tried to prevent Muslims from
performing their duties? The Shah in Iran, the Soviets in Afghanistan,
and Israel, which until recently forbade Palestinians to make the hajj.
As a matter of policy and practice, the U.S. has never kept Muslims from
practicing their faith. Therefore, those who claim jihad against America
misuse a sacred term to legitimize terrorism.
Militant groups who feel that the
term jihad justifies their intolerance for Western culture have used the
term incorrectly for the past 25 years or so. It is this recent usage,
rather than the previous 1,400 years of tradition, that Mr. Pipes incorrectly
considers normative.
THOMAS S. FERGUSON
Manhattan College
Riverdale, New York
To the Editor:
Daniel Pipes draws little distinction
between Islamists who offer a pacific interpretation of jihad in order
to misrepresent their own purposes and moderate Muslims who do the same
as part of a process of adjusting Islam to the contemporary world and to
America's civic religion. Yet America's success at achieving comity among
diverse religious groups comes partly from fudging distinctions and finessing
religious doctrines. Americans go into their places of worship and avow
a variety of things, the more divisive (or inconvenient) of which they
have allowed to lapse into disuse. To cite a couple of biblical examples
that come to mind, "No man comes to the Father but by me" (John 14:6) has
implications that we no longer consider it appropriate to take seriously,
as does "Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live" (Exodus 22:17).
Many of our religions and sects
have bloody histories and some evil doctrines. At a time when many American
Muslims want to distance themselves as much as possible from militant Islam,
do we really want to hold their feet to the fire with respect to historical
accuracy and conceptual clarity? Some of the statements Mr. Pipes cites
sound to me like characteristic American pieties: tedious, but fundamentally
wholesome attempts toward civilized exegesis.
VIRGIL E. VICKERS
Newton, Massachusetts
To the Editor:
Thank you for printing Daniel Pipes's
brutally honest and deeply troubling piece. It is very difficult for people
nourished from infancy on the principles of human rights, individual liberties,
and the love of peace to fathom the jihadist program. Mr. Pipes is right
to force us to look this brute in the eye and recognize its true nature.
If anything, more attention should be paid to the role played by our own
Western traditions of balance (in the press), nuance (in diplomacy), and
skepticism (in academe) in keeping us from dealing with a movement that
views the world in the stark terms of black and white, good versus evil.
DIANE KRIEGER
Torrance, California
To the Editor:
The propagandistic statements about
jihad that are dominant in our universities are abetted by our own political
leadership, which has declared that we are at war against "terrorism,"
a war, however, in which one finds no enemies but Islamists. President
Bush has repeatedly referred to Islam as a peaceful religion from which
Osama bin Laden and his ilk are merely deviants.
I do not know if this fantasizing
is the result of ignorance, political correctness, or the growth here of
a Muslim community. Should this pattern of declaring Islam a peaceful religion
akin to Christianity and Judaism continue, we may find ourselves trapped
in the same predicament with our Muslim community as the Western Europeans
are with theirs. We are now at war against Islam, and by sweeping this
truth under the rug, we invite our own demise.
FREDERIC WILE
New York City
To the Editor:
In support of Daniel Pipes's thesis,
I offer a quotation from Conditions of Liberty (1994) by the late Ernest
Gellner, who taught at the London School of Economics and wrote extensively
on Muslim societies. As he observed, well before the slaughter of September
11,
Muslim law formally obliges Muslim
rulers to wage the Holy War for the extension of the faith every ten years
at the very least-ten years being the maximum time allowed for truce with
the infidel-if conditions are propitious and victory reasonably likely.
Who knows when, given the unforeseeable potentials of modern technology,
that crucial final condition may not seem to be fulfilled? Some of them
quietly ignore this obligation and will continue to do so. Some might not.
BERNARD RUDICH
Bronx, New York
To the Editor:
Daniel Pipes is to be commended.
I had innocently thought that the universities were dedicated to truth,
but I can no longer ignore the overwhelming evidence to the contrary.
RICHARD K. MASON
Altadena, California
DANIEL PIPES writes:
John Kelsay and James Turner Johnson
assert (and Richard L. Rubenstein seconds them) that their scholarly work
recognizes the military nature of jihad. I am delighted to learn this.
But the survey in "Jihad and the Professors" was explicitly limited to
what professors say to a general audience. "To see what the public is told,"
I stated in my footnote on page 18, "I looked at op-ed pieces, quotations
in newspaper articles, and interviews on television rather than at articles
in learned journals." What I found there suggested that both of these gentlemen
deny jihad's military component.
Here, for instance, is a transcript
from Cleveland's NewsChannel 5, dated September 14, 2001:
Kelsay has devoted his life to studying
Islam and is teaching this semester at John Carroll University. He said
that people misunderstand and misinterpret Islamic terms like jihad. Kelsay
said that jihad means to struggle, and for the Muslim the greatest struggle
or jihad is to lead a life obeying God's law, rules which absolutely forbid
attacks on innocent people like the one Tuesday [September 11]. "From the
standpoint of Islamic law, this is forbidden. This is not a part of the
Islamic reasoning about the laws of war," said Kelsay.
Similarly, when I looked up the
Rutgers University school paper, the Daily Targum, I found the following
for October 5, 2001:
James Johnson, a professor of religion,
explained that the term "holy war" is, intrinsically, neither Christian
nor Islamic. "Jihad," to Islam, means "striving in the path of God," he
offered, while "holy war" did not appear until after the Protestant Reformation.
Roxanne L. Euben is of course correct
that she did not write a book with the title I ascribed to her. I mistakenly
relied on the Daily Northwestern of January 21, 2002. ("In a lecture attended
by approximately 25 Northwestern students and faculty Friday at Scott Hall,
Euben spoke about her recent book titled The Road to Kandahar: A Genealogy
of Jihad in Modern Islamist Political Thought.") I apologize to Professor
Euben for repeating what turns out to be an error. As for her assertion
that she acknowledges a military component to jihad, again I am glad to
hear it-and again I point out that my analysis was restricted to newspaper
and television reports. The Daily Northwestern covered her talk as follows:
The portrayal of jihad as an archaic
crusade characterized by violence has contributed, Euben said, to a misunderstanding
of Islam. "For many Muslims, jihad means to resist temptation and become
a better person," Euben said. "Islam is no more inherently violent [than]
Christianity is inherently peaceful. . . . Euben said jihad is derived
from the Arabic word struggle and means to struggle in the path of God.
Euben said this struggle primarily refers to an internal conflict between
good and evil forces of the soul.
Strictly speaking, then, my characterizations
of public statements by Professors Kelsay, Johnson, and Euben were correct.
But I happily accept their point that their scholarly writings show them
not to be in the business of whitewashing jihad; it is good to know there
are some honest voices in the academy. Unfortunately, though, moving them
out of the column of apologists only slightly mitigates my argument; unless
I am wrong in other cases as well-and so far there is no evidence of that-we
are still left with the other nine-tenths of the professors I surveyed
pretending that jihad is not what it is.
Erfan Ibrahim mistakenly attributes
to me the view that "jihad is intended to force Islam on non-Muslims."
As I made perfectly clear in "Jihad and the Professors," my definition
of the term has nothing to do with religious conversion and everything
to do with control of land. Jihad, I wrote there, is "the legal, compulsory,
communal effort to expand the territories ruled by Muslims (known in Arabic
as dar al-Islam) at the expense of territories ruled by non-Muslims (dar
al- harb)." Mr. Ibrahim's second assertion, that "under no circumstances
can jihad take on an offensive posture or . . . act as a tool of Muslim
dominion," is an example of the apologetics that my article exposes. It
ignores centuries of rulings about jihad, not to mention the military campaigns
that established Muslim dominion from Marrakesh to Bangladesh.
Shafi Refai gets off to a bad start
when he asserts I am "known for diatribes against Islam and Muslims"; would
he like it if I reciprocated by alluding to his being "known" to harbor
a militant Islamic agenda? Instead, let us stick to what each of us actually
says and writes.
Mr. Refai makes two points. His
statement about the origins of what he delicately calls "Muslim struggles"
in Algeria, Egypt, Sudan, Chechnya, and Kashmir is tangential to my thesis,
which was that jihad has served as the primary motivation to violence in
all these places. As for his statement that Muhammad engaged in three rather
than (as I said) 78 battles, that is a difference of semantics; the source
for my statistic obviously defines "battle" rather more broadly than does
Mr. Refai.
Thomas S. Ferguson betrays a naive
belief that the Qur'an alone counts in Islamic law and life. This is roughly
analogous to asserting that the Constitution is the only law in the United
States. Both the Qur'an and the Constitution are the foundations of complex
legal systems; to ignore these systems is to ignore the actual worlds in
which Muslims and Americans live. Nonspecialists tend to overemphasize
the Qur'an, which is far easier to grasp than the vast and often contradictory
corpus called the shari'a that grew up to explain it. But it is the latter
that represents the Muslim understanding of the law, including the law
of jihad.
Virgil E. Vickers berates me for
not allowing moderate Muslims to reinterpret jihad "as part of a process
of adjusting Islam to the contemporary world." He raises an important point,
and one that I hope to return to in the future. Here, let me briefly respond
that of course I eagerly wish to see jihad evolve into nothing more offensive
than moral self-improvement. But such a development can take place only
in the context of a frank recognition of what jihad has meant through the
centuries. To deny this history, as Muslims and their academic apologists
so often do, actually undercuts efforts at reinterpretation. Here is an
analogy: West Germany acknowledged the horrors of its citizens' actions
during World War II, and thereby rehabilitated itself, whereas eastern
Germany, Austria, and Japan are still paying the price for their refusal
to come to grips with that period of their history.
I thank Diane Krieger, Frederic
Wile, Bernard Rudich, and Richard K. Mason for their support and encouragement.
