Author: M.K. Rasgotra
Publication: The Indian Express
Date: May 14, 2003
Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee is
a man of peace and goodwill and it is no secret that making peace with
Pakistan has been his life's mission. There was a touch of grandeur and
nobility to his ''final and decisive'' offer of peace and friendship to
Pakistan, from Srinagar and from Parliament. On both occasions, he reiterated
that resumption of a comprehensive dialogue would be subject to Pakistan
putting an end to cross-border terrorism and dismantling its infrastructure
of terrorism.
Nevertheless, lately the impression
has gained ground that, in the wake of Baghdad's rout, India had become
susceptible to American pressure for resumption of dialogue, that Vajpayee's
peace offer was actually the result of American exertions.
Essentially, the Prime Minister
had proposed, as first steps, repositioning of the High Commissioners and
the resumption of aviation links. Pakistan's additional suggestions for
facilitation of travel between the two countries, revival of sports links
and people-to-people contact etc. are welcome measures and should be rapidly
implemented.
But useful as these steps are, by
themselves, they cannot build the confidence necessary for the resolution
of issues such as Kashmir, Siachen and nuclear security.
Above all, the one CBM that will
open the way to peace is immediate stoppage of Pakistan's campaign of terrorist
violence in J&K and that is missing from Jamali's response to Vajpayee's
peace offer.
But, perhaps it is too much to expect
Pakistan to indicate a time-line for the termination of the ISI's jehad
against India. If Islamabad has genuinely caught the spirit of India's
offer, its authorities may quietly act to discipline the ISI. We should
patiently watch the unfolding internal scene in Pakistan: Jamali's government
has many internal ghosts to fight before it can respond to India's gesture
of friendship.
And this is where Washington, the
self-appointed facilitator, comes in. Its facilitatory moves so far do
not inspire confidence. Richard Armitage is back here, again: he is welcome,
but what new credible assurance does he bring, of the good intentions of
Musharraf and, what is more, of Washington's own ability and inclination
to make the General come good on his commitments to permanently end cross-border
infiltration and disband the ISI's infrastructure of terror.
What new credible assurance does
Armitage bring of Musharraf's good intentions and of Washington's own ability
and inclination to make him come good on his commitments to permanently
end cross-border infiltration and rein in the ISI?
Richard Haas, one of Armitage's
important colleagues, publicly acknowledged last month Washington's failure
to hold Musharraf to his commitments. In the same breath, he proceeded
to suggest that India, nevertheless, resume dialogue with Pakistan. Is
Armitage here to exert his weight in support of that kind of dishonourable
ambivalence? What greater disgrace could there be on democracy that one
great democracy, engaged in war on terror, should propose to another that
it bargain for peace under threat of continuing terrorism by its self-declared
adversary!
The bitter truth is that Washington
has not bothered much about Pakistan's campaign of terror in Kashmir. Even
the great Colin Powel seems overawed by the Pakistan military regime's
nuclear blackmail. He has gone long out of his way to propitiate and provide
comfort to Musharraf's dictatorial regime. Unwittingly perhaps, Washington's
actions have encouraged the rogue elements in that regime to persevere
in their dangerous course in relation to India.
Consider this one - there are several
more - sequence of American indulgence on the Musharraf rule and Pak-sponsored
terrorist strikes in J&K:
. On March 2, Pakistan captures
a key al Qaeda terrorist and US applauds its cooperation in the war on
terror.
. On March 23, Pandits are massacred
at Nadimarg.
. On March 25, US condemns the massacre
but also commends ''dialogue as a critical element.''
. On April 6, the US signs $1 billion
debt write-off for Pakistan. A rash of terrorist attacks follows in J&K.
Since 9/11, US has showered financial
largesse on Pakistan of the order of US $12.5 billion. Close scrutiny of
the chronology of events since then will reveal that each major gift has
been taken by the Pakistan's military as down-payment for the next terrorist
strike in J&K: and they then successfully deflect American focus from
the incident by a well-timed capture and handing-over of a Talib or an
al-Qaeda terrorist sought by the US.
Here is a subject for some serious
reflection on the part of American and Indian authorities: it has a bearing
on the future of Indo-American relations.
(The writer is a former foreign
secretary)
