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The CMP horror show

The CMP horror show

Author: Swapan Dasgupta
Publication: The Pioneer
Date: May 30, 2004

Devi Lal, Haryana stalwart and former Deputy Prime Minister under V P Singh, had a very earthy wisdom. Confronted by an abstruse exercise in ideological hair-splitting before the 1989 poll, he asked: "Who reads manifestos?"

It's a piece of political advice that many Indians are hoping that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh will heed during his tenure. It was bad enough for the soft-spoken economist to suffer the ignominy of being nominated to the top job by Sonia Gandhi rather than being elected by the Congress Parliamentary Party. He had to suffer the additional slight of not having the prerogative of choosing his own Council of Ministers. To compound his disabilities, he is hamstrung by a document called the Common Minimum Programme (CMP) whose release had the stock markets voting with their pockets.

Lacking any pre-poll understanding about the future, it is understandable that the United Progressive Alliance had to forge an agenda of governance. What seems less obvious is why the Congress had to capitulate all way to a Left that refuses to assume direct responsibility for the back-room power it wields. The CMP is more like a Communist Minimum Programme than a document reflecting the convoluted mandate of 2004. Those familiar with Communism will see unmistakable traces of the Popular Front approach of the 1930s. It reflects what CPM's Prakash Karat has identified as the Left determination to "counter the dominance of ruling class policies."

The implications for the direction in which India will move are horrifying. The CMP is a regressive, 1960s-style document with potential to blunt India's competitive edge, re-introduce a high-cost economy with in-built inefficiencies, dilute national security and derail India's distinctive global role.

If the CMP is pursued in letter and spirit, the first casualty is likely to be the economy. The Congress, some of its allies and the Left appear to have equated the defeat of the NDA with a categorical rejection of economic reforms. What matters is not so much that disinvestments - the strategy of unlocking national resources for infrastructure and social sector development - have been put on hold. Far more worrying is that the CMP will introduce a high tax, high inflation and high inefficiency regime.

With minimal Government set to be replaced by intrusive State intervention, we can expect the UPA to come down hard on the middle class and corporate sector to bankroll its high-cost schemes. This will lead to an inevitable return of tax evasion, patronage politics and pilferage of Government resources. It is not these ills were not there under the NDA. However, the trend was towards transparency and a modicum of ethical capitalism. The direction seems set to be reversed. With militant trade unionism receiving a boost and strictures being imposed on labour flexibility, India's global competitive edge will be blunted. The real beneficiary of this retreat from sensible economic policies will be China - a fact that should not displease the Left.

This backward slide seems set to be replicated in India's global role. Under the NDA, India inched towards a strategic doctrine that combined regional clout with economic potential. India sought a major role as US' strategic partner and as an economic counterweight to China.

Judging by the CMP, this will be junked. With emphasis on anti- America grandstanding, the CMP is pressing for a return to days of non-alignment. It is an absurd approach. Apart from the fact that there is no alternate superpower to accord tacit protection, India has built strategic bridges with the West to prevent Pakistan from leveraging its post-9/11 clout in J&K. The CMP proposes to squander that advantage. From an aspiring power, the UPA seems intent on pushing India back to its Third World status.

None of these developments, however, are inevitable. Once the full implication of the CMP sinks in, Manmohan will have two choices. Either he can, like Indira Gandhi in 1969, decide that the future lies in veering sharply Left. Alternatively, he can emulate the rustic wisdom of Devi Lal and conveniently forget that there is something called the CMP. He can also do what his political mentor Narasimha Rao did - pursue national interests over dogma.
 


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