Author: Claude Arpi
Publication: The Pioneer
Date: October 28, 2004
Have you ever tried to publish a
map of India omitting the regions North and West of the Line of Control
in Kashmir? Just try and see what happens! Without mentioning so-called
"Azad Kashmir", the Northern Areas located North of Kargil and Leh districts
of Ladakh are rightly considered as an integral part of the Indian territory
as this region belonged to the Jammu and Kashmir State when it acceded
to India on October 26, 1947.
Forty-seven year later, in 1994,
the Lok Sabha reiterated: "The State of Jammu & Kashmir has been, is
and shall be an integral part of India and any attempts to separate it
from the rest of the country will be resisted by all necessary means; India
has the will and capacity to firmly counter all designs against its unity,
sovereignty and territorial integrity." The Indian Parliament also demanded
that Pakistan vacate all occupied parts of the State.
Ten years later, the position of
the Government of India is the same. But in stark contrast to this policy,
the reality is totally different; the districts of Gilgit and Baltistan
(also known as Balawaristan) are totally ignored by the Government of India.
This could perhaps have been more acceptable if the population of this
area was content under Pakistani rule or if it enjoyed basic democratic
rights and amenities. Unfortunately, it is not the case.
During their recent meeting in New
York, General Musharraf and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh "addressed the
issue of Jammu and Kashmir and agreed that possible options for a peaceful,
negotiated settlement of the issue should be explored in a sincere spirit
and purposeful manner." That is fine; however, while different confidence
building measures (such as the opening of a bus route between Srinagar
and Muzaffarabad) are contemplated along the international border and the
LOC as a prelude to "core" negotiations, nothing has been said about the
Gilgit-Baltistan regions during the "historic talks" in New York; ditto
during the Agra summit and the SAARC meeting in January 2004: Both sides
remained silent on the issue.
This is the sad comment on the discrepancy
between a stated policy and "real politics". The Northern Areas, which
are spread over an area of 28,000 square miles, comprise the five districts
of Gilgit, Ghizer, Diamer, Skardu and Ghanche. The people of Balawaristan
(approx. 1.5 million) belong to several ethnic groups, including some close
to the Ladakhis in Skardu (Baltistan). However, most of these populations
are Shia Muslim which explains, in large measure, their gloomy fate.
The imposition of the Sunni faith
on the Shia population was the background for the riots engineered in 1988
in the region by Zia-ul-Haq (Mr Musharraf was already involved in the bloody
repression). Since then, regular uprisings have been reported: The latest
in June 2004, when rioters damaged many public buildings in protest against
the imposition of Sunni textbooks.
This is one of the most strategically
located regions in Central Asia. Further, these areas have been the base
for most of the attacks on Indian territory since 1947. The latest one
in April-May 1999 on the Kargil heights planned by the Pakistani Army used
the Gilgit Light Infantry (this created a lot of resentment against Pakistan,
as hundreds of local jawans lost their lives in Mr Musharraf's adventure
with no gain for the region).
During the 19th century, the Gilgit
Agency was part of the territories of the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir
but was directly controlled by the British Resident in Kashmir. After Soviet
Russia took virtual control over Sinkiang in 1935, British India signed
a 60-year lease with the Maharaja giving British India the sole responsibility
for the administration and defence of the area. It was only in June 1947
that the lease was cancelled. Though the control over the Gilgit Scouts
was then handed over to the Maharaja, a British Major remained the Commandant
of the Scouts.
On November 3, 1947, two days after
a local revolt against the Maharaja's representative had erupted, the British
Major hoisted the Pakistani flag in Gilgit. At that time, Mountbatten the
"Indian" Governor-General, negotiated with his Pakistani counterpart (MA
Jinnah) the fate of Kashmir. Nothing was said about the takeover of Gilgit.
Two weeks later, a political agent was sent from Pakistan to rule the region
which till today is directly under the Federal Government in Islamabad.
The Minister of Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas administer these areas
which are totally neglected; they have no university, professional colleges
or industry.
Recently, the Daily Excelsior wrote:
"The northern areas of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir hold the distinction of
being the only region whose status is not specified in the constitution.
Consequently, the people of this region do not have the citizenship of
Pakistan and are far behind the rest of the world in matters of fundamental
rights, justice and economic development. The Pakistan Government is of
the view that since northern areas are not a part of its territory, it
cannot give constitutional rights to its people."
The Shia population is not only
deprived of basic amenities like electricity, drinking water and elementary
health care facilities, but is today threatened with becoming a minority
in their own district with Islamabad encouraging the migration of Pathans
and other Sunnis to the region. While India took the very welcome initiative
of inviting Pakistan journalists to visit the Valley and Jammu, no journalist,
whether foreign or Indian, is ever allowed to visit Gilgit or Skardu. Why
such double standards? Why can't a group of Indian journalists visit the
area and interact with the people there?
When the Pakistani Ambassador is
allowed to give lavish receptions to the Hurriat Conference or other dissident
leaders of the Valley, why can't the Indian Ambassador in Pakistan call
the leaders of Balawaristan and listen to their grievances? Even scholars
are not permitted to visit the region. In an interview a couple of years
ago, a Ladakhi Muslim historian told me that he had been invited for a
conference in Islamabad where he met some Balti scholars. They requested
him to visit Skardu, but the Pakistani Government denied him permission.
One could multiply the examples;
two years back, the MORI survey in the Valley and Jammu changed the perception
of many of the Western chancelleries in Delhi. Why can't a similar survey
be allowed in the Baltistan-Gilgit area? In this context, Nehru made an
interesting remark in 1956. The question was about Chitral, a region which
had unclear links with the State of Jammu and Kashmir during the 20th century.
Nehru wrote: "What in practice we might do later is another matter, and,
as a matter of settlement, we may give up what we possess in law. But,
there is no reason why we should not mention our legal claim or clarify
a legal position."
Nehru added: "Quite apart from any
desire on our part to have Chitral back in the Jammu & Kashmir State,
another question may well arise. How is Chitral being used? Is it being
developed as a base for attack? According to some information that we have
received, the US treat Chitral more or less as a base. Our statement about
Chitral is, therefore, some kind of a warning to foreign powers." The same
applies today to the under-developed region of Gilgit-Baltistan, the base
for most terrorist actions in the Valley. After all, if these areas are
a part of India, its population can't be considered foreigners.
