Author: Smita Gupta
Publication: Outlook
Date: November 22, 2004
URL: http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20041122&fname=Sonia+%28F%29&sid=1
Introduction: Does her insularity
make her prey to manipulation by those close to her?
The one lasting image of Sonia Gandhi
in the run-up to the general elections earlier this year was of the Congress
president, hair pulled back severely from her forehead, in a white handloom
sari, tense but determined as she travelled, largely by road, reaching
out to voters across the country, giving a face to the party slogan 'Congress
ka haath, aam aadmi ke saath'. A non-Congress UPA leader had said at the
time, "I told Soniaji, when you are down-and-out politically, don't talk
to your political advisors. Talk to the people directly- they'll give you
the answers you want." Sonia did exactly that.
The formula worked, as subsequent
results demonstrated.
Today, five months later, Sonia
Gandhi looks a new woman. If her renunciation of the prime ministerial
post made her unquestionably the tallest leader in the party, the recent
victory of the Congress-ncp
combine in Maharashtra underscored
her ability to lead the party to electoral victories. The way she and Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh have so far divided party and government in a harmonious
fashion has also won her admiration.
But within the Congress-where proximity
to her alone determines clout-how much is she in control of party decisions?
Is she her own woman or is she a prisoner of 10, Janpath? Are there secondary
power centres, persons who, because of their access to Sonia, can influence-even
manipulate her-judgement?
The recent elections in Maharashtra
and the manner in which the chief minister was eventually chosen is a case
in point. While Vilasrao Deshmukh's eventual candidature did receive her
approval, many in party circles wondered, was her hand forced? Would she
have preferred Sushilkumar Shinde? A 10, Janpath insider said "she'd have
preferred Shinde, at least for the moment", and a senior party leader associated
with the elections in Maharashtra admitted that Deshmukh's election had
come as a surprise. When told that his having the support of more mlas
was what decided the issue, the retort was, "When did majority support
become a criterion in the Congress?" Sonia was clearly presented with a
fait accompli.
How does this happen, given that
overtly the Congress has a democratic, corporate, collective style of functioning?
Party insiders say that this is for a variety of reasons: one, while all
party functionaries enjoy access to Sonia, some enjoy more access than
most. Currently, at the top of the heap is her political secretary, Ahmed
Patel. Says the 10, Janpath insider, "His usp is that he keeps his own
counsel and is totally trustworthy. He now enjoys a level of confidence
so high you can see him striding into Mrs Gandhi's room while talking on
his cellphone."
Patel is followed by Union defence
minister Pranab Mukherjee -who, as the seniormost person in the party,
wields power both in the party and in the cabinet, and is described in
party circles as a "blue chip company". Next comes general secretary Janardan
Dwivedi, a rising star, the man who has grown from essential backroom boy
and speechwriter to a power centre. Party general secretary Ambika Soni
too was in this hallowed group, but slipped a few notches in between. The
buzz is she is making a gradual comeback.
If there is a change, it is that
there is no coterie today, only individual trusted figures, who can make
or mar careers. Sometimes, of course, there is a teaming up of like-minded
forces for a particular mission. So, while Sonia tries and meets as many
people as she can, she is yet to make a direct, independent assessment
of key party workers in the states- indeed, even mlas find it hard to meet
her. But central leaders dismiss this, saying, "Most of them don't have
anything to say to her-they are just sycophants." Adds a minister close
to Sonia, "She prefers to give quality time to fewer persons.Besides, her
responsibilities as chairperson of the UPA and the National Advisory Council
take up a great deal of time".
This is not to say that Sonia's
unaware of the goings-on in the party or inner-party intrigue. Party insiders-both
who say her hand was forced as well as those who'd like to project the
Maharashtra decision as a slice of realpolitik, putting Pawar in place-say
that Sonia has a vast network of sources. "She knows who's making money,
who's soft on the bjp, who is a womaniser, who spends more time at the
aicc headquarters rather than in his constituency," says the 10, Janpath
insider. Yet, personal interaction at the ground level in states is sorely
lacking.
So it's true, Sonia does keep tabs
on what's happening. Party general-secretary Ashok Gehlot says contrary
to what her detractors say, she has a fund of information which she uses
in her analyses. "She surprises us very often with her knowledge of castes
and sub-castes," he says. "When I became Rajasthan CM, she told me during
the process of cabinet formation that I should take note of the social
equations that had changed in the post-Mandal phase."
And the official mechanics of decision-making
in the party still remain democratic. Points out Girija Vyas, chairman
of the media department, "The general secretaries, secretaries and pcc
chiefs report to the president and she takes her decisions based on that
as well as through a process of consultations as well as intuition." Adds
party general secretary and Maharashtra-in-charge, Margaret Alva, "Since
Soniaji took over, the process of consultation is very wide, whether on
a subject or a state. She speaks to every shade of opinion, then takes
a decision."
So, does Sonia's "corporate, collective
style of decision- making"-outwardly democratic-make her a prey, sometimes,
to manipulation by those who have maximum access to her? Party general
secretary Digvijay Singh dismisses the notion, saying, "She takes a decision
only after careful deliberation," but when pressed, is only prepared to
say, "Well, in any power structure, there will be a hierarchy and a few
people in whom the leader reposes confidence."
Sonia Gandhi's appeal may lie, as
Gehlot puts it, in that "she -like the Nehru-Gandhis before her-has a pan-Indian
appeal and encapsulates the pro-poor message". But her ultimate success
will depend on whether she can master the Congress system and come into
her own.
