Author: Alex Alexiev
Publication: Middle East Quarterly
Date: Winter 2005
URL: http://www.meforum.org/article/686
Every fall, over a million almost
identically dressed, bearded Muslim men from around the world descend on
the small Pakistani town of Raiwind for a three-day celebration of faith.
Similar gatherings take place annually outside of Dhaka, Bangladesh, and
Bhopal, India. These pilgrims are no ordinary Muslims, though; they belong
to a movement called Tablighi Jamaat ("Proselytizing Group"). They are
trained missionaries who have dedicated much of their lives to spreading
Islam across the globe. The largest group of religious proselytizers of
any faith, they are part of the reason for the explosive growth of Islamic
religious fervor and conversion.
Despite its size, worldwide presence,
and tremendous importance, Tablighi Jamaat remains largely unknown outside
the Muslim community, even to many scholars of Islam. This is no coincidence.
Tablighi Jamaat officials work to remain outside of both media and governmental
notice. Tablighi Jamaat neither has formal organizational structure nor
does it publish details about the scope of its activities, its membership,
or its finances. By eschewing open discussion of politics and portraying
itself only as a pietistic movement, Tablighi Jamaat works to project a
non-threatening image. Because of the movement's secrecy, scholars often
have no choice but to rely on explanations from Tablighi Jamaat acolytes.
As a result, academics tend to describe
the group as an apolitical devotional movement stressing individual faith,
introspection, and spiritual development. The austere and egalitarian lifestyle
of Tablighi missionaries and their principled stands against social ills
leads many outside observers to assume that the group has a positive influence
on society. Graham Fuller, a former CIA official and expert on Islam, for
example, characterized Tablighi Jamaat as a "peaceful and apolitical preaching-to-the-people
movement."[1] Barbara Metcalf, a University of California scholar of South
Asian Islam, called Tablighi Jamaat "an apolitical, quietist movement of
internal grassroots missionary renewal" and compares its activities to
the efforts to reshape individual lives by Alcoholics Anonymous.[2] Olivier
Roy, a prominent authority on Islam at Paris's prestigious Centre National
de la Recherche Scientifique, described Tablighi Jamaat as "completely
apolitical and law abiding."[3] Governments normally intolerant of independent
movements often make an exception for Tablighi Jamaat. The Bangladeshi
prime minister and top political leadership, many of whom are Islamists,
regularly attend their rallies, and Pakistani military officers, many of
whom are sympathetic to militant Islam, even allow Tablighi missionaries
to preach in the barracks.
Yet, the Pakistani experience strips
the patina from Tablighi Jamaat's façade. Pakistani prime minister
Nawaz Sharif (1990-93; 1997-99), whose father was a prominent Tablighi
member and financier, helped Tablighi members take prominent positions.[4]
For example, in 1998, Muhammad Rafique Tarar took the ceremonial presidency
while, in 1990, Javed Nasir assumed the powerful director-generalship of
the Inter-Services Intelligence, Pakistan's chief intelligence agency.
When Benazir Bhutto, less sympathetic to Islamist causes, returned to the
premiership in 1993, Tablighis conspired to overthrow her government. In
1995, the Pakistani army thwarted a coup attempt by several dozen high-ranking
military officers and civilians, all of whom were members of the Tablighi
Jamaat and some of whom also held membership in Harakat ul-Mujahideen,
a U.S. State Department-defined terrorist organization.[5] Some of the
confusion over Tablighi Jamaat's apolitical characterization derives from
the fact that the movement does not consider individual states to be legitimate.
They may not become actively involved in internal politics or disputes
over local issues, but, from a philosophical and transnational perspective,
the Tablighi Jamaat's millenarian philosophy is very political indeed.
According to the French Tablighi expert Marc Gaborieau, its ultimate objective
is nothing short of a "planned conquest of the world" in the spirit of
jihad.[6]
Origins and Ideology
The prominent Deobandi cleric and
scholar Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Kandhalawi (1885-1944) launched Tablighi
Jamaat in 1927 in Mewat, India, not far from Delhi. From its inception,
the extremist attitudes that characterize Deobandism permeated Tablighi
philosophy. Ilyas's followers were intolerant of other Muslims and especially
Shi'ites, let alone adherents of other faiths. Indeed, part of Ilyas's
impetus for founding Tablighi Jamaat was to counter the inroads being made
by Hindu missionaries. They rejected modernity as antithetical to Islam,
excluded women, and preached that Islam must subsume all other religions.[7]
The creed grew in importance after Pakistani military dictator Zia ul-Haq
encouraged Deobandis to Islamize Pakistan.
The Tablighi Jamaat canon is bare-boned.
Apart from the Qu'ran, the only literature Tablighis are required to read
are the Tablighi Nisab, seven essays penned by a companion of Ilyas in
the 1920s. Tablighi Jamaat is not a monolith: one subsection believes they
should pursue jihad through conscience (jihad bin nafs) while a more radical
wing advocates jihad through the sword (jihad bin saif).[8] But, in practice,
all Tablighis preach a creed that is hardly distinguishable from the radical
Wahhabi-Salafi jihadist ideology that so many terrorists share.
Part of the reason why the Tablighi
Jamaat leadership can maintain such strict secrecy is its dynastic flavor.
All Tablighi Jamaat leaders since Ilyas have been related to him by either
blood or marriage. Upon Ilyas' 1944 death, his son, Maulana Muhammad Yusuf
(1917-65), assumed leadership of the movement, dramatically expanding its
reach and influence. Following the partition of India, Tablighi Jamaat
spread rapidly in the new Muslim nation of Pakistan. Yusuf and his successor,
Inamul Hassan (1965-95), transformed Tablighi Jamaat into a truly transnational
movement with a renewed emphasis targeting conversion of non-Muslims, a
mission the movement continues to the present day.
While few details are known about
the group's structure, at the top sits the emir who, according to some
observers, presides over a shura (council), which plays an advisory role.
Further down are individual country organizations. By the late 1960s, Tablighi
Jamaat had not only established itself in Western Europe and North America
but even claimed adherents in countries like Japan, which has no significant
Muslim population.
The movement's rapid penetration
into non-Muslim regions began in the 1970s and coincides with the establishment
of a synergistic relationship between Saudi Wahhabis and South Asian Deobandis.
While Wahhabis are dismissive of other Islamic schools, they single out
Tablighi Jamaat for praise, even if they disagree with some of its practices,
such as willingness to pray in mosques housing graves. The late Sheikh
'Abd al 'Aziz ibn Baz, perhaps the most influential Wahhabi cleric in the
late twentieth century, recognized the Tablighis good work and encouraged
his Wahhabi brethren to go on missions with them so that they can "guide
and advise them."[9] A practical result of this cooperation has been large-scale
Saudi financing of Tablighi Jamaat. While Tablighi Jamaat in theory requires
its missionaries to cover their own expenses during their trips, in practice,
Saudi money subsidizes transportation costs for thousands of poor missionaries.
While Tablighi Jamaat's financial activities are shrouded in secrecy, there
is no doubt that some of the vast sums spent by Saudi organizations such
as the World Muslim League on proselytism benefit Tablighi Jamaat. As early
as 1978, the World Muslim League subsidized the building of the Tablighi
mosque in Dewsbury, England, which has since become the headquarters of
Tablighi Jamaat in all of Europe.[10] Wahhabi sources have paid Tablighi
missionaries in Africa salaries higher than the European Union pays teachers
in Zanzibar.[11] In both Western Europe and the United States, Tablighis
operate interchangeably out of Deobandi and Wahhabi controlled mosques
and Islamic centers.
Wolf in Sheep's Clothing
The West's misreading of Tablighi
Jamaat actions and motives has serious implications for the war on terrorism.
Tablighi Jamaat has always adopted an extreme interpretation of Sunni Islam,
but in the past two decades, it has radicalized to the point where it is
now a driving force of Islamic extremism and a major recruiting agency
for terrorist causes worldwide. For a majority of young Muslim extremists,
joining Tablighi Jamaat is the first step on the road to extremism. Perhaps
80 percent of the Islamist extremists in France come from Tablighi ranks,
prompting French intelligence officers to call Tablighi Jamaat the "antechamber
of fundamentalism."[12] U.S. counterterrorism officials are increasingly
adopting the same attitude. "We have a significant presence of Tablighi
Jamaat in the United States," the deputy chief of the FBI's international
terrorism section said in 2003, "and we have found that Al-Qaeda used them
for recruiting now and in the past."[13]
Recruitment methods for young jihadists
are almost identical. After joining Tablighi Jamaat groups at a local mosque
or Islamic center and doing a few local dawa (proselytism) missions, Tablighi
officials invite star recruits to the Tablighi center in Raiwind, Pakistan,
for four months of additional missionary training. Representatives of terrorist
organizations approach the students at the Raiwind center and invite them
to undertake military training.[14] Most agree to do so.
Tablighi Jamaat has long been directly
involved in the sponsorship of terrorist groups. Pakistani and Indian observers
believe, for instance, that Tablighi Jamaat was instrumental in founding
Harakat ul-Mujahideen. Founded at Raiwind in 1980, almost all of the Harakat
ul-Mujahideen's original members were Tablighis. Famous for the December
1998 hijacking of an Air India passenger jet and the May 8, 2002 murder
of a busload of French engineers in Karachi, Harakat members make no secret
of their ties. "The two organizations together make up a truly international
network of genuine jihadi Muslims," one senior Harakat ul-Mujahideen official
said.[15] More than 6,000 Tablighis have trained in Harakat ul-Mujahideen
camps. Many fought in Afghanistan in the 1980s and readily joined Al-Qaeda
after the Taliban defeated Afghanistan's anti-Soviet mujahideen.[16]
Another violent Tablighi Jamaat
spin-off is the Harakat ul-Jihad-i Islami.[17] Founded in the aftermath
of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, this group has been active not only
in the disputed Indian provinces of Jammu and Kashmir but also in the state
of Gujarat, where Tablighi Jamaat extremists have taken over perhaps 80
percent of the mosques previously run by the moderate Barelvi Muslims.[18]
The Tablighi movement is also very active in northern Africa where it became
one of the four groups that founded the Islamic Salvation Front in Algeria.
Moroccan authorities are currently prosecuting sixty members of the Moroccan
Tablighi offshoot Dawa wa Tabligh in connection with the May 16, 2003 terrorist
attack on a Casablanca synagogue.[19] Dutch police are investigating links
between the Moroccan cells and the November 2, 2004 murder of Dutch filmmaker
Theo van Gogh.[20]
There are many other cases of individual
Tablighis committing acts of terrorism. French Tablighi members, for example,
have helped organize and execute attacks not only in Paris but also at
the Hotel Asni in Marrakech in 1994.[21] Kazakh authorities expelled a
number of Tablighi missionaries because they had been organizing networks
advancing "extremist propaganda and recruitment."[22] Indian investigators
suspect influential Tablighi leader, Maulana Umarji, and a group of his
followers in the February 27, 2002 fire bombing of a train carrying Hindu
nationalists in Gujarat, India. The incident sparked a wave of pogroms
victimizing both Muslims and Hindus.[23] More recently, Moroccan authorities
sentenced Yusef Fikri, a Tablighi member and leader of the Moroccan terrorist
organization At-Takfir wal-Hijrah, to death for his role in masterminding
the May 2003 Casablanca terrorist bombings that claimed more than forty
lives.[24]
Tablighi Jamaat has also facilitated
other terrorists' missions. The group has provided logistical support and
helped procure travel documents. Many take advantage of Tablighi Jamaat's
benign reputation. Moroccan authorities say that leaflets circulated by
the terrorist group Al-Salafiyah al-Jihadiyah urged their members to join
Islamic organizations that operate openly, such as Tablighi Jamaat, in
order "to hide their identity on the one hand and influence these groups
and their policies on the other."[25] In a similar vein, a Pakistani jihadi
website commented that Tablighi Jamaat organizational structures can be
easily adopted to jihad activities.[26] The Philippine government has accused
Tablighi Jamaat, which has an 11,000-member presence in the country, of
serving both as a conduit of Saudi money to the Islamic terrorists in the
south and as a cover for Pakistani jihad volunteers.[27]
There is also evidence that Tablighi
Jamaat directly recruits for terrorist organizations. As early as the 1980s,
the movement sponsored military training for 900 recruits annually in Pakistan
and Algeria while, in 1999, Uzbek authorities accused Tablighi Jamaat of
sending 400 Uzbeks to terrorist training camps.[28] The West is not immune.
British counterterrorism authorities estimate that at least 2,000 British
nationals had gone to Pakistan for jihad training by 1998, and the French
secret services report that between 80 and 100 French nationals fought
for Al-Qaeda.[29]
A Trojan Horse for Terror in America?
Within the United States, the cases
of American Taliban John Lindh, the "Lackawanna Six," and the Oregon cell
that conspired to bomb a synagogue and sought to link up with Al-Qaeda,[30]
all involve Tablighi missionaries.[31] Other indicted terrorists, such
as "shoe bomber" Richard Reid, "dirty bomber" Jose Padilla, and Lyman Harris,
who sought to bomb the Brooklyn Bridge, were all members of Tablighi Jamaat
at one time or another.[32] According to Robert Blitzer, head of the FBI's
first Islamic counterterrorism unit, between 1,000 and 2,000 Americans
left to join the jihad in the 1990s alone.[33] Pakistani intelligence sources
report that 400 American Tablighi recruits received training in Pakistani
or Afghan terrorist camps since 1989.[34]
The Tablighi Jamaat has made inroads
among two very different segments of the American Muslim population. Because
many American Muslims are immigrants, and a large subsection of these are
from South Asia, Deobandi influences have been able to penetrate deeply.
Many Tablighi Jamaat missionaries speak Urdu as a first language and so
can communicate easily with American Muslims of South Asian origin. The
Tablighi headquarters in the United States for the past decade appears
to be in the Al-Falah mosque in Queens, New York. Its missionaries-predominantly
from South Asia-regularly visit Sunni mosques and Islamic centers across
the country.[35] The willingness of Saudi-controlled front organizations
and charities, such as the World Muslim League, the World Assembly of Muslim
Youth (WAMY), the Haramain Foundation, the International Islamic Relief
Organization (IIRO) and others, to spend large amounts of money to co-opt
the religious establishment has helped catalyze recruitment. As a result
Wahhabi and Deobandi influence dominate American Islam.[36]
This trend is apparent in the activities
of Tanzeem-e Islami. Founded by long-term Tablighi member and passionate
Taliban supporter, Israr Ahmed, Tanzeem-e Islami flooded American Muslim
organizations with communications accusing Israel of complicity in the
9/11 terror attacks.[37] A frequent featured speaker at Islamic conferences
and events in the United States, Ahmed engages in incendiary rhetoric urging
his audiences to prepare for "the final showdown between the Muslim world
and the non-Muslim world, which has been captured by the Jews."[38] Unfortunately,
his conspiracy theories have begun to take hold among growing segments
of the American Muslim community. For example, Siraj Wahhaj, among the
best known African-American Muslim converts and the first Muslim cleric
to lead prayers in the U.S. Congress, is also on record accusing the FBI
and the CIA of being the "real terrorists." He has expressed his support
for the convicted mastermind of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, Sheik
Omar Abdel Rahman, and advocating the demise of American democracy.[39]
Tablighi Jamaat has appealed to
African American Muslims for other reasons. Founded by Elijah Mohammed
in the early 1930s, the Nation of Islam was essentially a charismatic African
American separatist organization which had little to do with normative
Islam. Many Nation of Islam members found attractive both the Tablighi
Jamaat's anti-state separatist message and its description of American
society as racist, decadent, and oppressive. Seeing such fertile ground,
Tablighi and Wahhabi missionaries targeted the African American community
with great success. One Tablighi sympathizer explained,
The umma [Muslim community] must
remember that winning over the black Muslims is not only a religious obligation
but also a selfish necessity. The votes of the black Muslims can give the
immigrant Muslims the political clout they need at every stage to protect
their vital interests. Likewise, outside Muslim states like Saudi Arabia,
Malaysia, and Pakistan need to mobilize their effort, money, and missionary
skills to expand and consolidate the black Muslim community in the USA,
not only for religious reasons, but also as a farsighted investment in
the black Muslims' immense potential as a credible lobby for Muslim causes,
such as Palestine, Bosnia, or Kashmir-offsetting, at least partially, the
venal influence of the powerful India-Israel lobby.[40]
Not only foreign Tablighis but also
the movement's sympathizers within the United States enunciate this goal.
The president of the Islamic Research Foundation in Louisville, Kentucky,
a strong advocate of Tablighi missionary work, for instance, insists that
"if all the Afro-American brothers and sisters become Muslims, we can change
the political landscape of America" and "make U.S. foreign policy pro-Islamic
and Muslim friendly."[41] As a result of Tablighi and Wahhabi proselytizing,
African Americans comprise between 30 and 40 percent of the American Muslim
community, and perhaps 85 percent of all American Muslim converts. Much
of this success is due to a successful proselytizing drive in the penitentiary
system. Prison officials say that by the mid-1990s, between 10 and 20 percent
of the nation's 1.5 million inmates identified themselves as Muslims. Some
30,000 African Americans convert to Islam in prison every year.[42]
The American political system tolerates
all views so long as they adhere to the rule of law. Unfortunately, Tablighi
Jamaat missionaries may be encouraging African American recruits to break
the law. Harkat ul-Mujahideen has boasted of training dozens of African
American jihadists in its military camps. There is evidence that African
American jihadists have died in both Afghanistan and Kashmir.[43]
Tablighi Jamaat: The Future of American
Islam? Tablighi Jamaat has made unprecedented strides in recent decades.
It increasingly relies on local missionaries rather than South Asian Tablighis
to recruit in Western countries and often sets up groups which apparently
model themselves after Tablighi Jamaat but do not acknowledge links to
it.[44]
In the United States, such a role
is apparently played by the Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA). Founded
in 1968 as an offshoot of the fiercely Islamist Muslim Student Association,[45]
ICNA is the only major American Muslim organization that has paid open
homage to Tablighi founder Ilyas. The monthly ICNA publication, The Message,
has praised Ilyas as one of the four greatest Islamic leaders of the last
100 years.[46] While the relationship between ICNA and Tablighi Jamaat
is not clear, the two organizations share a number of similarities. They
both embrace the extreme Deobandi and Wahhabi interpretations of Islam.
ICNA demonstrates disdain for Western democratic values and opposes virtually
all counterterrorism legislation, such as the Patriot Act, while providing
moral and financial support to all Muslims implicated in terrorist activities.
An editorial in the ICNA organ, The Message International, in September
1989 bemoaned the "uncounted number of Muslims lost to Western values"
which was a "major cause for concern."[47] In 2003 and 2004, ICNA has collected
money to assist detainees suspected of terrorist activities, participated
in pro-terrorist rallies, and mounted campaigns on behalf of indicted Hamas
functionary Sami al-Arian.[48] Like Tablighi Jamaat, ICNA initially drew
its membership disproportionately from South Asians. As with Tablighi Jamaat,
ICNA demands total dedication to missionary work from its members. Because
many ICNA members spend at least thirty hours per week on their mission,[49]
their ability to independently support themselves is unclear. Many cannot
hold full-time jobs. ICNA's recruitment efforts have borne fruit, though.
All ICNA members are organized in small study groups of no more than eight
people, called NeighborNets. As in a cult, these cells provide support
and reinforcement for new recruits, who may have sought to fill a void
in their lives. Its yearly convocations, patterned on the annual Tablighi
Jamaat meetings in South Asia, now attract some 15,000 people.[50]
Conclusion
The estimated 15,000 Tablighi missionaries
reportedly active in the United States present a serious national security
problem.[51] At best, they and their proxy groups form a powerful proselytizing
movement that preaches extremism and disdain for religious tolerance, democracy,
and separation of church and state. At worst, they represent an Islamist
fifth column that aids and abets terrorism. Contrary to their benign treatment
by scholars and academics, Tablighi Jamaat has more to do with political
sedition than with religion.
U.S. officials should focus on reality
rather than rhetoric. Pakistani and Saudi support for Tablighi Jamaat is
incompatible with their claims to be key allies in the war on terror. While
law enforcement focuses attention on Osama bin Laden, the war on terrorism
cannot be won unless al-Qaeda terrorists are understood to be the products
of Islamist ideology preached by groups like Tablighi Jamaat. If the West
chooses to turn a blind eye to the problem, Tablighi involvement in future
terrorist activities at home and abroad is not a matter of conjecture;
it is a certainty.
Alex Alexiev is vice president for
research at the Center for Security Policy in Washington, D.C.
[1] Graham Fuller, "The Future of
Political Islam," Foreign Affairs, Mar.-Apr., 2002, p. 49.
[2] Barbara Metcalf, "Traditionalist
Islamic Activism: Deoband, Tablighis and Talibs," Social Service Research
Council, Nov. 1, 2004.
[3] Le Monde Diplomatique (Paris),
May 15, 2002.
[4] B. Raman, "Nawaz in a Whirlpool,"
South Asia Analysis Group, Oct. 10, 1999.
[5] The News (Lahore), Feb. 13,
1995.
[6] Marc Gaborieau, "Transnational
Islamic Movements: Tablighi Jamaat in Politics," ISIM Newsletter (International
Institute for the Study of Islam in the Modern World), July 1999, p. 21.
[7] Dietrich Reetz, "Keeping Busy
on the Path of Allah: The Self-Organization (intizam) of Tablighi Jamaat,"
in Daniela Bredi, ed., Islam in Contemporary South Asia (Rome: Oriente
Moderno, 2004), pp. 295-305.
[8] B. Raman, "Dagestan: Focus
on Pakistan's Tablighi Jamaat," South Asia Analysis Group, Sept. 15, 1999.
[9] "Fatwa of Shaykh 'Abdul-'Azeez
ibn Baaz regarding the Jamaa'ah at-Tableegh," fatwa-online.com, Safar 11,
1414 (July 31, 1993).
[10] Financial Times, Apr. 12,
1982.
[11] Associated Press, Feb. 22,
2004.
[12] Le Monde (Paris), Jan. 25,
2002.
[13] The New York Times, July 14,
2003.
[14] U.S. News and World Report,
June 10, 2002.
[15] Raman, "Dagestan: Focus on
Pakistan's Tablighi Jamaat."
[16] Ibid.
[17] The News, Feb. 13, 1995, cited
in ibid.
[18] Frontline, Public Broadcasting
Service, Mar. 16-29, 2003.
[19] Financial Times, Aug. 6, 2003.
[20] The New York Times, Nov. 25,
2004.
[21] Le Monde, Sept. 26, 2001.
[22] Kazakhstan Today News Service,
June 13, 2003.
[23] India Today (New Delhi), Feb.
24, 2003.
[24] BBC News, July 12, 2003.
[25] Asharq al-Awsat (London),
May 25, 2003.
[26] Mufti Khubaib Sahib, "Advantageous
Structure for the Jihaad Organisations," 2600 News, Nov. 16, 2004.
[27] Manila Times, Oct. 12, 2001.
[28] Surya Gangadharan, "Exploring
Jihad: The Case of Algeria," Strategic Affairs (New Delhi), Feb. 1, 2001.
[29] Ori Golan, "On the Day the
Black Flag of Islam will be Flying over Downing Street," The Jerusalem
Post, June 26, 2003; Le Parisien, Dec. 26, 2001.
[30] The Oregonian (Portland),
Oct. 11, 2002.
[31] The New York Times, July 14,
2003.
[32] Jessica Stern, "The Protean
Enemy," Foreign Affairs, July/Aug. 2003.
[33] U.S. News and World Report,
June 10, 2002.
[34] Ibid.
[35] The New York Times, July 14,
2003.
[36] Daniel Pipes, Militant Islam
Reaches America (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2003),
[37] The Independent, Oct. 1, 2001.
[38] Sept. 11, 1995 ISNA convention,
cited in Raman, "Dagestan: Focus on Pakistan's Tablighi Jamaat."
[39] The Wall Street Journal, Oct.
24, 2003.
[40] Dawn (Karachi), Jan. 12, 1996.
[41] Ibrahim B. Syed, "Juneteenth,"
Islamic Research Foundation International, Inc., Louisville, Ky., n.d.
[42] Religion News Service, Jan.
23, 1996.
[43] U.S. News and World Report,
June 10, 2002.
[44] Ibid.
[45] Jonathan Dowd-Gailey, "Islamism's
Campus Club: The Muslim Students Association," Middle East Quarterly, Spring
2004, pp. 63-72.
[46] "Great Leaders of Last 100
Years," The Message International Online (Jamaica, N.Y.), Dec. 22, 2004.
[47] The Message International,
Sept. 1989, p. 6.
[48] The Washington Post, May 29,
2003.
[49] "About ICNA," Islamic Circle
of North America, Dec. 22, 2004.
[50] Ibid.
[51] Aminah Mohammad-Arif, "Ilyas
et Mawdudi au Pays des Yankees: La Tablighi Jamaat et la Jamaat Islami
aux Etats-Unis," Archive des Sciences Sociales des Religions, Jan.-Mar.
2002.