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Ambedkar's caveats

Ambedkar's caveats

Author: KR Phanda
Publication: The Pioneer
Date: April 26, 2005

Dr BR Ambedkar, whose birth anniversary was celebrated on April 14, is remembered for his commendable work for the uplift of Dalits. What, however, is not known, is that he had made an analysis of the Muslim League's demand for Pakistan at the 1940 Lahore Congress. No other writer during the time, had such a clear observation vis-à-vis the demand's ramifications. Even Jinnah was impressed by Ambedkar's analysis that appeared in Pakistan or the Partition of India (Thackers, Bombay, 1940).

After the failure of the Quit India Movement (1942), Gandhi sought to rebuild bridges with Jinnah. He had many a tête-à-tête with Jinnah on the issue of Pakistan between September 9 and 27, 1944 at the latter's residence. In a letter to Jinnah, on September 15, 1944, Gandhi asked, "I find no parallel in history for a body of converts and their descendants claiming to be a nation apart from the parent stock" (Gandhi-Jinnah Correspondence, Amalendu Dé). Jinnah in his reply dated September 17 wrote, "For the moment, I would refer two publications to you, although there are many more-Dr Ambedkar's book and MRT's Nationalism in Conflict in India. We maintain and hold that Muslims and Hindus are two major nations by any definition or test of a nation" (Ibid). Expectedly, the talks failed and Jinnah told Gandhi, "I sometimes wonder what could be common between practical politics and yourself, between democracy and dictator of a political organisation of which he is not even a four anna member" (Ibid, p 79).

Ambedkar analysed the case for Pakistan from different angles: Defence, Muslim sentiments, financial resources, communal peace and exchange of population. To him, there were two governing factors which determined the case for Pakistan: "First, the defence of India, and second, the sentiment of Muslims." The Simon Commission had revealed in 1930 that Indians considered temperamentally inclined to join the armed forces post-independence, mostly came from areas that were to be included in Pakistan. Therefore, Hindustan could not be defended without Pakistan. Dr Ambedkar observed if India were to remain politically a singular unit, and the two-nation mentality fostered by the Muslim League continued, Hindus would find themselves between the devil and the deep sea with respect to the defence of India. He pointedly asked, "Hindus have a difficult choice to make: To have a safe Army or a safe border! Is it in their interest to insist that Muslims should remain part of India to have a safe border, or should they welcome its separation from India to have a safe Army?"

Further, the financial statistics revealed that as against Rs 52 crore contributed by Hindus, only seven crore rupees came from Muslim majority areas. Ambedkar lamented: "How many Hindus are aware of this tragedy? How many know at whose cost this tragedy is being enacted? If they mean to stop it, the surest way of putting an end to it, is to allow a Pakistan to come into being. To oppose it is to buy a sure weapon for their own destruction" (Ibid, pp 99-101).

Ambedkar suggested exchange of population too. In his words, "The best way to solve the (Hindu-Muslim) problem is the exchange of alien minorities within its border, with those of its own who were outside its border, with a view to bringing about homogeneous states." This is what had happened in Turkey, Greece and Bulgaria. (Ibid, pp 115-116). Had Gandhi and Nehru acted in the national interest, Hindu-Muslim issues would have been a thing of the past.
 


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