Author: R Vaidyanathan
Publication: DNA (Daily News & Analysis)
Date: February 26, 2008
URL: http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?newsid=1152940
A major debate on reservation in institutions
of higher learning like the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and Indian
Institutes of Management (IIMs), etc is being conducted at the Supreme Court.
A five-member bench is looking into the issues
pertaining to the validity of the recently passed Act and also related matters
like creamy layer exclusion, etc.
It has recently come to light that the Aryan
invasion theory is a concoction by British politicians and academicians to
justify their invasion of the country.
Perhaps a similar situation is emerging in
the context of caste discrimination since the British had a vested interest
in inventing discrimination and viewed the heterogeneous and non-hierarchical
Indian society using the European framework of a feudal-bourgeoisie divide.
The colonizers were part of the Abrahamic
tradition, which believes in homogenization, and the heterogeneous and non-conflicting
Indian society would not have suited their design. That might have led them
to construct a class-based discriminating society out of the multiple sampradayas
and castes co-existing peacefully. After all, history is constructed to suit
the colonisers and victors.
A discussion about backward classes is very
often a debate on the backward castes. The backwardness is defined to include
social, educational and economic aspects.
In practice, it is identified more with social
and educational backwardness and hence, many castes are classified (or, shall
we say declared) as backward and provided reservation in institutes of higher
learning in most states.
In Tamil Nadu, for example, a whopping 69%
is reserved for these categories. One of the major arguments in favour of
reservations is that the backward castes are educationally backward due to
discrimination in the past and hence cannot compete with others.
History does not support the thesis of discrimination
A renowned Gandhian, Dharampal, visited British
and Indian archives and reproduced reports based on surveys conducted by the
British in Madras, Punjab and Bengal presidencies during 1800-1830.
According to a detailed survey undertaken
during 1822-25 in the Madras Presidency (present day Tamil Nadu, a major part
of present day Andhra Pradesh and some districts of Karnataka, Kerala and
Orissa), 11,575 schools and 1,094 colleges were in existence in the Presidency
and the number of students in them were 1,57,195 and 5,431, respectively.
More important in view of the current debates
and assumption is the unexpected and important information provided with regard
to the broad caste composition of the students (see table). We find that the
position as early as the first part of nineteenth century was significantly
in favour of the backward castes as far as secular education was concerned.
Hence, the British-inspired propaganda that
education was not available to the so-called backward castes prior to their
efforts is not valid. The "secular" education was always a major
tool in social transformation prior to British rule.
It is also assumed that caste is a rigid hierarchical
system, which is oppressive. However, as observed by renowned sociologist
Dipankar Gupta, "In fact, it is more realistic to say that there are
probably as many hierarchies as there are castes in India.
To believe that there is a single caste order
to which every caste from Brahmin to untouchable would acquiesce ideologically
is a gross misreading of facts on the ground. The truth is that no caste,
howsoever lowly placed it may be, accepts the reason for its degradation."
(Dipankar Gupta; Interrogating Caste; pp1; Penguin Books 2000).
The debate also does not take into account
the fact that backwardness is not a static phenomenon, but a dynamic one.
The great sociologist, M N Srinivas said,
"An important feature of social mobility in modern India is the manner
in which the successful members of the backward castes work consistently for
improving the economic and social condition of their caste fellows.
This is due to the sense of identification
with one's own caste, and also a realisation that caste mobility is essential
for individual or familial mobility."(Collected Essays; pp196-197, Oxford
University Press 2005).
May be, the time has come for us to question
many of the beliefs and myths perpetuated on educational backwardness. Politics
does play a major role in shaping the perceptions of the common man, but it
is the duty of academicians and other experts to look at issues more dispassionately
so that the future of educational enhancement of our country is not impaired
by mythical dogmas. We need "enquiring minds" to investigate the
inventions of British other than that of the steam engine.
The writer is Professor of Finance & Control,
Indian Institute of Management - Bangalore, and can be reached at vaidya@iimb.ernet.in.
Views are personal.